| Volume 26, Number 2, July 2003 | Click here for PDF version of this page. |
This
section is meant to provide LSS members with the basic citation
information about journal articles dealing with legislatures.
The source for this information is Cambridge Scientific
Abstracts' database, Worldwide Political Science Abstracts,
using the query: KW= ((congress) OR (parliament) OR (legislative)).
The report is arranged in alphabetical order by author name.
Banwart, Mary
Christine; Bystrom, Dianne G; Robertson, Terry "From the
Primary to the General Election: A Comparative Analysis of
Candidate Media Coverage in Mixed-Gender 2000 Races for
Governor and U.S. Senate" American
Behavioral Scientist, 2003, 46,
5, Jan, 658-676. Abstract: Prior research on the media's portrayal of
female candidates in comparison to male candidates has
indicated that differences do exist, although most studies
have focused on general election races of senate candidates.
This study analyzed the media's portrayal of candidates in
mixed-gender gubernatorial & U.S. Senate races through a comparison
of primary coverage to general election coverage in 2000. The study
relied on content analyses of more than 1,200 articles from major
newspapers to understand how female & male candidates
might be framed differently when running for their party's
nomination as opposed to during the general election. The
findings suggest that although the coverage from the primaries
to the general election was relatively consistent across most
categories of analysis, female candidates continue to face
some stereotypical biases in the news coverage of their
campaigns. 3 Tables, 39 References. [Copyright 2003 Sage
Publications, Inc.].
Bavastro,
Roberto; Szusterman, Celia. "The
Congressional Elections in Argentina, 2001" Electoral
Studies, 2003, 22,
2, June, 352-360. Abstract: The
14 Oct 2001 election marked a watershed in the Argentine political
system for at least two reasons. First, the government did
not actively support any candidate standing in the election.
Secondly, it was the first time that a considerable
proportion of the electorate declined to be represented by
any of the political parties; instead, they either abstained or spoiled
their ballot paper. In addition, the 2001 election marked the first
time that the entire Senate was directly elected by a popular vote,
following an amendment to the constitution in 1994. 2 Tables, 3
References. Adapted from the source document.
Birch, Sarah "Two-Round
Electoral Systems and Democracy" Comparative
Political Studies, 2003, 36,
3, Apr, 319-344. Abstract:
Taking as its point of departure a little-noted recent
increase in use of two-round electoral systems in
parliamentary elections, this article assesses the impact of
such systems on democratic performance. It argues that the
possibility of holding a second round of voting is a destabilizing
factor that inhibits democratic development & encourages the use
of nonelectoral means of exercising power. This is because the
institution of the double ballot works to fragment the party
system by establishing district-specific strategic
incentives & by diminishing the element of uncertainty
that is key to securing cooperation by important political
actors. This proposition is tested on a data set of all states that
as of 1 January 1999 held elections to the lower houses of their
national assemblies, as well as on a smaller database of
democratizing countries. 4 Tables, 1 Appendix, 65
References. [Copyright 2003 Sage Publications, Inc.].
Bond, Jon R;
Fleisher, Richard; Wood, B Dan "The Marginal
and Time-Varying Effect of Public Approval on Presidential Success in
Congress" Journal of
Politics, 2003, 65,
1, Feb, 92-110. Abstract: We analyze the relationship between public
approval & presidential success in Congress using
time-varying parameter regression methods. Cues from
constituency, ideology, & party dominate congressional
vote choice, so the effect of public approval of the president is
typically marginal. Because the strength of these primary
cues varies through time, the effect of public approval on
presidential success should also be time varying. Analysis
of conflictual roll-call votes from 1953 through 2000 using
the time-varying Kalman filter reveals that the effect of
public approval on presidential success is marginal & changing
through time. These models assume that the time variation is
a stochastic process, & finding time-varying
relationships may indicate model misspecification. Our
theory, however, suggests that this time variation depends on a
systematic factor - partisanship. A better specified model that allows
systematic parameter variation confirms that the level of partisanship
conditions the relationship between public approval & presidential
success in Congress. 1 Table, 3 Figures, 46 References. Adapted from
the source document.
Bryner, Gary
(Review of: Tzoumis, Kelly) "Environmental
Policymaking in Congress: The Role of Issue Definitions in Wetlands,
Great Lakes, and Wildlife Policies" Journal of
Politics, 2003, 65,
1, Feb, 283-285. Burnell, P "The Tripartite
Elections in Zambia, December 2001" Electoral
Studies, 2003, 22,
2, June, 388-395. Abstract: On
27 Dec 2001, Zambia held elections for the presidency, parliament,
& local government, the first ever tripartite elections.
The last general election, in Nov 1996, returned President
Frederick Chiluba & the Movement for Multiparty
Democracy (MMD) to power. On that occasion, Chiluba won
almost 69% of the vote; his party won just over 60% of the
vote & 131 of the 150 elected seats in the legislature. Those
elections were boycotted by the main opposition party, the
United National Independence Party (UNIP), due to changes to
the constitution that barred UNIP's leader, former President
Kenneth Kaunda, from contesting the presidency (Burnell,
1997) 2 Tables, 5 References. Adapted from the source document. Butler, Anthony "South Africa's
Political Futures" Government
and Opposition, 2003, 38,
1, winter, 93-112. Abstract: The prospects for strengthening democracy in
South Africa are contemplated. The consequences of the
African National Congress' (ANC) electoral dominance for
South African democracy are considered; specifically, it is
stated that South African democracy cannot endure further
domination by the ANC yet also cannot survive the fragmentation
of the current liberation movement. The capacity of existing mechanisms
to render the ANC politically accountable in the immediate future is
then addressed; the need for the executive & judicial branches to
cooperate rather than adopt adversarial positions toward each other
is stressed. In addition, the question of whether the ANC will
challenge the existing political alliance between the ANC,
the South African Communist Party, & the Congress of
South African Trade Unions is pondered. Moreover, issues
concerning the continuing spread of political corruption
& whether the HIV/AIDS epidemic will engender a crisis within the
South African government are tackled. It is concluded that preserving
the existing political alliance will provide the best strategy for
maintaining democratic politics in South Africa. J. W.
Parker. Carey, John
M "Discipline,
Accountability, and Legislative Voting in Latin America" Comparative
Politics, 2003, 35,
2, Jan, 191-211. Abstract: Accountability in legislative representation
carries implications for the relationship between
legislators & constituents regarding communication,
information, responsiveness, & the potential for
punishment. There is an inherent tension between party discipline &
responsiveness by individual legislators to their constituents. Recent
institutional reforms in Latin America have sought to increase
individual responsiveness of legislators, even at the
expense of party discipline. The most important are mixed
electoral systems combining single member districts with
proportional representation & public voting in legislatures.
1 Table, 2 Figures. Adapted from the source document. Carrubba,
Clifford J "The European
Court of Justice, Democracy, and Enlargement" European
Union Politics, 2003, 4, 1,
Mar, 75-100. Abstract: In
Europe, there is increasing concern with how the operation of the
Commission, Council of Ministers, & European Parliament
is creating a democratic deficit. One institution that is
generally considered central to the effective functioning of
a democratic system, but tends to be neglected in these
discussions, is the European Court of Justice (ECJ). After
all, it is at least ostensibly the job of the legal system to ensure
that no one is above the law, not even governments. This study applies
a theory of judicial politics to identify under what conditions the
ECJ can act as an effective democratic check in the European Union
& how enlargement may affect that role. 3 Tables, 1
Figure, 38 References. [Copyright 2003 Sage Publications
Ltd.].
Case, William "Singapore in
2002: Economic Lassitude and Threats to Security" Asian Survey, 2003, 43,
1, Jan-Feb, 167-173. Abstract: During 2002, Singapore's government attempted
to stimulate political life by encouraging debate among its
backbenchers in parliament. It took steps also to revive
economic competitiveness, adjusting tax incentives &
targeting new industries. It tried to perpetuate security,
setting up a range of new agencies through which to deal with terrorist
threats. Adapted from the source document. Chaisty, Paul "Defending the
Institutional Status Quo: Communist Leadership of the Second Russian
State Duma, 1996-99' Legislative
Studies Quarterly, 2003, 28,
1, Feb, 5-28. Abstract: The 1995 Russian parliamentary elections
returned a State Duma dominated by an alliance of the
Communist Party (CPRF) & the Agrarian (APG) &
Popular Power (PP) groupings, whose combined number fell
just four votes short of an overall majority. Such a powerful voting
bloc might have been expected to undo the power-sharing principles on
which the First Duma (1994-95) operated. Rather than challenge the
status quo, however, the CPRF defended it on several
occasions. In this paper, I argue that existing arrangements
held benefits for the CPRF & its leftist allies. In the
absence of a stable, disciplined majority, the Duma's rules
gave leftist deputies the incentives & flexibility to
organize collectively. 3 Figures, 23 References. Adapted from the
source document.
Clayton, Dewey
M "African
American Women and Their Quest for Congress" Journal of
Black Studies, 2003, 33,
3, Jan, 354-388. Abstract: As many barriers to Black electoral success
were removed during the latter half of the 20th century,
Black representation in Congress increased dramatically from
2 in 1949 to 38 in 2000. Many of these Black congresspersons
(particularly from southern states) were first elected from
majority Black districts but were subsequently reelected
from majority White districts. However, the percentage of Blacks in
Congress remains low. Black females face a double disadvantage when
running for Congress because of race & gender biases. The 2000
congressional election in the third district of Louisville,
KY, provides an excellent case study to examine what
obstacles Black females running for Congress outside the
South encounter in forming multiracial coalitions to win
election. This race pitted Eleanor Jordan, a Black female challenger,
against Anne Northup, a White female incumbent. 6 Tables, 1 Appendix,
43 References. [Copyright 2003 Sage Publications, Inc.]. Cole, Alistair;
Jones, J Barry; Storer, Alan "Inside the
National Assembly for Wales: The Welsh Civil Service under Devolution" Political
Quarterly, 2003, 74,
2, Apr-June, 223-232. Abstract: Draws
on 2001/02 data from about 50 interviews conducted with Welsh National
Assembly members, ministers, & other key policy personnel to
explore devolution in Wales. It is argued that a stronger
National Assembly with full legislative powers would clarify
the role & character of the Welsh civil service. The
history of Welsh devolution is traced from the 1964 creation
of the Welsh Office. Civil service organization is
discussed, highlighting why Wales & Scotland went a different
route than Northern Ireland, resulting in much ambiguity regarding the
Welsh system. Following a brief description of the National Assembly
administrative structure, civil servants' perceptions of life under
devolution are detailed in terms of changes, relationships with
ministers & other officials, the new civil servant
masters, linkages to civil servants elsewhere, &
expectations for the future. It is demonstrated that change
in Wales far exceeds that in Scotland & Northern Ireland
under devolution. J. Zendejas. Cook, Robin 'A Modern
Parliament in a Modern Democracy" Political
Quarterly, 2003, 74,
1, Jan-Mar, 76-82. Abstract: Proposed changes to the UK's Parliament are
discussed. In the House of Commons, significant changes to
the select committee system will make it easier for
committees to hold ministers to account. Additionally, Prime
Minister Tony Blair has agreed to testify before the Liaison
Committee twice a year. Other proposals include allowing
bills to carried over from one session to the next, changing the start
time of the House of Commons to make it easier for the media to report
key exchanges in the House, shortening the period of notice for
questions to ministers from two weeks to three days, &
increasing the transparency of the parliamentary press lobby
system. Responsibility for the reform of the House of
Lords, which includes the removal of hereditary peers, has been given
by the government to Parliament. In addition to these changes, it is
argued that the health of democracy in the UK depends on government's
ability to engage voters. This, it is concluded, requires that
Parliament show more concern for the public interest than
party politics. J. Paul. Croissant,
Aurel; Dosch, Jorn "Parliamentary
Elections in Thailand, March 2000 and January 2001" Electoral
Studies, 2003, 22,
1, Mar, 153-160. Abstract: On
4 Mar 2000, Thai voters went to the polls for the first ever Senate
elections held since the installation of a bicameral parliament in
1946. On 6 Jan 2001, the reforms to the electoral system
withstood another crucial test when the first vote to the
House of Representatives was held under the 16th
Constitution, which was promulgated in Oct 1997. Election
law, the electoral system, & election results are discussed.
3 Tables, 8 References. Crombez,
Christophe "The Democratic
Deficit in the European Union: Much Ado about Nothing?" European
Union Politics, 2003, 4, 1,
Mar, 101-120. Abstract: This
paper studies the democratic deficit in the European Union (EU). It
examines what constitutes a democratic deficit, analyzes whether there
is one in the EU, & offers suggestions for a solution. I focus on
the output of the legislative process & study whether policies
deviate from those emerging in other political systems. In
particular, I present a formal model of policy-making in a
bicameral system, apply it to the EU, & compare the EU
with the United States. I conclude that the institutional
setup of the EU does not lead to policies that are fundamentally
undemocratic, & that the composition of its institutions is not
inherently less democratic than that of the US political institutions.
I also find, however, that a democratic deficit may exist owing to a
lack of transparency & an excess of delegation in the legislative
process. 4 Figures, 17 References. [Copyright 2003 Sage Publications
Ltd.].
Darmanovic,
Srdjan "Montenegro:
Dilemmas of a Small Republic" Journal of
Democracy, 2003, 14,
1, Jan, 145-153. Abstract: Discusses Montenegro's democratization,
identifying two transitions a la Guillermo O'Donnell (1994):
1989-1996 & 1997-present. The first transition hinged on
the Jan 1989 ousting of the communists in what is deemed a
Serbian-driven nationalist coup; this developed into a
dominant-party semiauthoritarian oligarchy, or competitive
semidemocracy. By 1997, the perennial Montenegrin dilemma of
choosing Serbian nationalism or independence had reared its
head in the form of a pro- vs anti-Slobodan Milosevic
conflict, leading to the second transition as evidenced by
the Sept 1997 regime reformist-opposition agreement on the development
of the democratic infrastructure. Details surrounding the Oct 1997
presidential election of Milo Djukanovic & the
legislative elections are related, along with the upshot of
NATO's 1999 intervention in Kosovo. Post-Milosevic
developments are examined, highlighting the onvergence with
European/Western standards. J. Zendejas.
Dawood, Yasmin
A "Minority
Representation, the Supreme Court, and the Politics of
Democracy" Studies in
Law, Politics, and Society, 2003, 28,
33-72. Abstract: This article develops an alternative
theoretical approach to the Supreme Court's controversial
electoral redistricting decisions in Shaw v. Reno (1993)
& its progeny. Instead of relying on the traditional
equal protection interpretation, this paper argues that
controversies over electoral redistricting are at base disputes among
competing visions of democracy. In the Court's recent redistricting
cases, the majority & the dissent adopted fundamentally different
visions of democracy - Individualist Democracy & Democracy as
Power. In addition to elaborating these rival understandings
of democracy this article develops the concept of Symbolic
Democracy to explain a central paradox in the Court
majority's decision: its simultaneous denial &
recognition of the relevance of racial groups in representation. 50
References. Adapted from the source document. Dezhbakhsh,
Hashem; Tohamy, Soumaya M; Aranson, Peter H "A New Approach
for Testing Budgetary Incrementalism" Abstract: We
present evidence suggesting that the widely used regression method for
testing budgetary incrementalism (Davis, Dempster, & Wildavsky,
1966a, 1966b, 1971) is not suited for US budgetary data that appear
to be nonstationary. The method, moreover, cannot detect a
nonincremental period following (or preceding) an
incremental period. We offer an alternative method that is
valid even in nonstationary cases. Our method exploits both
the cross-sectional & time-series characteristics of the budgetary
data to identify statistically the occurrence of incremental decisions
(counts) & to estimate incremental cycles for various agencies.
More important, the method lends itself to explanatory hypotheses
testing. We formulate a set of hypotheses about how various
political & economic factors may affect incremental
budgeting. We test these hypotheses using the estimated
counts in a Poisson regression context. Our results suggest
that the Democrats' control over the political process, a switch in
the party controlling the White House or Congress, & presidential
election year promises (& political vulnerabilities) all cause
departures from incremental budgeting. The public pressure
resulting from a persistently large deficit has a similar
effect. This work may contribute to our understanding of
legislative choice. 1 Table, 2 Figures, 71 References.
Adapted from the source document. Farnsworth,
Stephen J "Congress and
Citizen Discontent: Public Evaluations of the Membership and One's Own
Representative" American
Politics Research, 2003, 31,
1, Jan, 66-80. Abstract: This study, which uses a national survey
conducted by Hibbing & Theiss-Morse, finds that
evaluations of the membership of Congress & of one's own
representative in the U.S. House are both tied closely to
issues of procedural justice &, in particular, to the
perceived fairness of Congress & to the perceived responsiveness
of the legislative branch to the citizenry. The extent to which a
citizen desires parochial legislative behavior is of little
consequence for evaluating the legislative branch, or even
one's own representative. 2 Tables, 1 Appendix, 32
References. [Copyright 2003 Sage Publications, Inc.]. Finocchiaro,
Charles J "An
Institutional View of Congressional Elections: The Impact of
Congressional Image on Seat Change in the House" Political
Research Quarterly, 2003, 56,
1, Mar, 59-65. Abstract: The literature on seat change in US House
elections abounds with explanations regarding the factors
contributing to the biennial change in the partisan balance
of the body. While a number of theoretically &
empirically appealing models have been presented, many base their
explanations around presidential politics & a variety of factors
independent of Congress. In this article, I argue that in developing
models of congressional seat change, it is worthwhile to consider how
the public image of the institution impacts the electoral success of
its members. I describe & test a model that captures the influence
of the public's perception of Congress on party seat change.
Encompassing tests suggest that this framework significantly
improves upon existing models. The results underscore the
importance of endogenous, Congress-specific factors in
explaining aggregate seat change in the US House of Representatives.
1 Table, 1 Appendix, 35 References. Adapted from the source document. Fitzmaurice,
J "Parliamentary
Elections in Lithuania, October 2000" Electoral
Studies, 2003, 22,
1, Mar, 161-165. Abstract:
Describes the Oct 2000 parliamentary elections in Lithuania,
focusing on the electoral system, party system, campaign,
& election results. 1 Table. Frendreis,
John; Gitelson, Alan R; Jenkins, Shannon; Roscoe, Douglas D "Testing
Spatial Models of Elections: The Influence of Voters and
Elites on Candidate Issue Positions" Legislative
Studies Quarterly, 2003, 28,
1, Feb, 77-101. Abstract: This research tests spatial models of
electoral competition using survey data on state legislative
candidates' policy positions & ideology in eight US
states. Our data support several hypotheses: (1) candidates'
issue positions do not converge; (2) party elites have more
extreme positions than do candidates; (3) candidate issue positioning
is a function of party-elite issue positions & union involvement
in the campaign, as well as constituency characteristics; & (4)
when candidates rely heavily on elite resources during their campaign,
elites become more important in shaping candidate issue positions. 4
Tables, 4 Figures, 1 Appendix, 54 References. Adapted from the source
document. Frisch, Scott
A; Kelly, Sean Q "Don't Have
the Data? Make Them Up! Congressional Archives as Untapped Data Sources" PS:
Political Science & Politics, 2003, 36,
2, Apr, 221-224. Abstract: An
examination of the nature, usefulness, & accessibility of
congressional archives for scholarly research maintains that
they contain a wealth of valuable information that has
remained largely untapped because of geographic, financial,
& time constraints. The papers of former members of
Congress are usually located in the state the legislator
represented. The results of 10 visits to seven archives in different
states indicate that the papers provide important insights into both
current & lapsed debates. However, a strong research design is
needed before delving into the voluminous archival material.
Helpful Web sites maintained by the Clerk of the House of
Representatives are described, available funding to support
archival research is discussed, & helpful hints are
provided for planning trips, as well as making the best use
of both time & copying funds. The enormous benefits of archival
research for congressional scholars are enumerated. J. Lindroth. Gay, Oonagh "Parliamentary
Standards: A Developing Issue" Political
Quarterly, 2003, 74,
1, Jan-Mar, 83-90. Abstract: The problem of enforcing ethical codes of
conduct for Members of Parliament (MPs) in the UK is
discussed. It is claimed that a major obstacle to this
process is the fact that Parliament, to maintain its
independence from the judicial & executive branches, has been
given the right to regulate its own affairs. This lack of external
oversight is said to have led to several scandals involving
MPs in recent years. Solutions to this dilemma recommended
by the Committee on Standards in Public Life in 1995 &
2002 are reviewed, followed by an overview of systems for
regulation of parliamentary standards in Australia, Canada,
& Ireland. It is noted that standards of conduct in the House of
Commons have improved considerably since the recommendations of the
1995 Committee were adopted. However, it is argued that there is a risk
of over-enforcement; MPs could end up being policed for all aspects
of their behavior, which would make it more difficult to recruit
potential members from broader sections of society. J. Paul. Golden, Miriam
A "Electoral
Connections: The Effects of the Personal Vote on Political
Patronage, Bureaucracy and Legislation in Postwar Italy" British
Journal of Political Science, 2003, 33,
2, Apr, 189-212. Grose,
Christian R; Yoshinaka, Antoine "The Electoral
Consequences of Party Switching by Incumbent Members of Congress,
1947-2000" Legislative
Studies Quarterly, 2003, 28,
1, Feb, 55-75. Abstract: What are the electoral consequences of
switching parties for incumbent members of Congress? Do
incumbents who switch fare better or worse after their
switch? Aldrich (1995) & Aldrich & Bianco (1992)
present a model of party affiliation for all candidates. We empirically
extend this model for incumbent legislators who have switched parties.
Specifically, we look at the universe of incumbent representatives who
have run for Congress under more than one party label since WW II. We
find that the primary & general election vote shares for party
switchers are not
as high after the switch as before. Additionally, we learn that party
switching causes the primaries in the switcher's party & in the
opposing party (the switcher's old party) to become more competitive
in the short run. Over the long run, however, primaries in the
switcher's new party are less competitive than those in the
old party before the switch. 5 Tables, 1 Appendix, 30
References. Adapted from the source document. Harper, M A G "The 2001
Parliamentary and Presidential Elections in Bulgaria" Electoral
Studies, 2003, 22,
2, June, 335-344. Abstract:
Discusses the 2001 parliamentary & presidential
elections in Bulgaria, focusing on the campaigns &
results. 2 Tables. Harris, Douglas
B (Review of: Irwin, Lewis G) "A Chill in
the House: Actor Perspectives on Change and Continuity in the Pursuit
of Legislative Success" Journal of
Politics, 2003, 65,
1, Feb, 268-270. Herrnson, Paul
S; Stokes, Atiya Kai 'Women Running
as Women: Candidate Gender, Campaign Issues, and Voter-Targeting
Strategies" Journal of
Politics, 2003, 65,
1, Feb, 244-255. Abstract: Previous research has demonstrated that voter
stereotypes about gender place certain strategic imperatives
on female candidates. This study examines the effects of the
interplay of candidate gender & campaign strategy using
a new data set consisting of survey responses from US House
& state legislative candidates who ran for office in
1996 or 1998. We demonstrate that women gain a strategic advantage
when they run as women, tressing issues that voters associate favorably
with female candidates & targeting female voters. These findings
suggest that one of the keys to success for female candidates is to
wage campaigns that use voters' dispositions toward gender as an asset
rather than a liability. 2 Tables, 1 Appendix, 37 References. Adapted
from the source document. Hirsch, Michael "Painted into
a Corner: Liberals amid the Wreckage of the 2002 Elections" New Politics
(New Series), 2003, 9,
2(34), winter, 43-46. Abstract: The Democratic Party was unsuccessful in
gaining a majority in Congress because its members were
afraid to campaign on the party's core progressive values.
The party lacked the courage to present positive plans for
the economy or to stand against war. The huge issues of unemployment,
state budget cuts, global markets & job exports, & inexpensive
prescription medication for seniors were neglected while the
Republicans stood for war & national security issues.
The election demonstrated that fear is not successful.
Although the Democratic Party held only a two-seat deficit
in the Senate & was close to a majority in the House,
its candidates lacked the courage to take a stand &, therefore,
brought an election collapse. L. A. Hoffman. Hogan, Robert
E "The Effects
of Primary Divisiveness on General Election Outcomes in State
Legislative Elections" American
Politics Research, 2003, 31,
1, Jan, 27-47. Abstract: Does a divisive primary contest harm a
candidate's chances in the general election? This question
is addressed in an analysis of legislative campaigns in nine
states during the 1994 & 1996 election cycles. Findings
indicate that primary divisiveness does affect general
election outcomes but in the opposite direction than anticipated.
Greater divisiveness in a candidate's primary leads to a
higher vote share in the general election. Similarly,
greater divisiveness in a general election opponent's
primary leads to a candidate receiving a lower vote share.
Simply the presence of a primary challenge is found to exert a
substantial positive influence for a candidate in the
general election, particularly in open seat contests. Such
counterintuitive results are attributed to the low levels of
information that voters typically possess about state
legislative primaries & to the strategic decisions of candidates
who seek legislative office. Hogan,
Robert E 'Sources of
Competition in State Legislative Primary Elections' Legislative
Studies Quarterly, 2003, 28,
1, Feb, 103-126. Abstract: Primaries are an important but understudied
component of American elections. In this article, I examine
competition in state legislative primaries across 25 states
during the 1994 & 1996 election cycles. My findings
indicate that competition varies greatly & is affected
by a number of factors on the state & district levels.
The presence of an incumbent reduces competition, but strong district
support for a party leads to greater competition in that party's
primaries. Population size & social diversity do little
to affect competition, but urbanism & unified party
control have a positive impact. Further, legislative
professionalism is associated with greater competition,
particularly in open-seat races. Overall, the results have important
implications for theories about the conditions that enhance or inhibit
competition across different types of elections. 4 Tables, 1 Figure,
62 References. Adapted from the source document. Hug, Simon "Endogenous
Preferences and Delegation in the European Union" Abstract: The interplay among intergovernmental &
supranational actors is a defining feature of the
institutional life of the European Union (EU). Too often,
however, these actors are considered independent of each
other, & their autonomy is assessed in a vacuum. This is
problematic because if there is such a thing as endogenous preferences
in the EU, it appears exactly through this interdependence of
intergovernmental & supranational actors. None of the
institutionalist approaches to the EU has come to grips with
this fact yet. Based on some very simple game-theoretic
ideas, I offer in this article a rationale for endogenous
preferences & discuss their impact on issues of delegations. Some
cursory empirical evidence supports the claims that the preferences
of supranational actors are related to those of the actors who select
or appoint them. Similarly, the analyses presented here suggest that
preferences over delegation to supranational actors are influenced by
differences in policy views between principals & agents. 5 Tables,
10 Figures, 1 Appendix, 60 References. [Copyright 2003 Sage
Publications, Inc.]. Hurley,
Patricia A; Hill, Kim Quaile "Beyond the
Demand-Input Model: A Theory of Representational Linkages" Journal of
Politics, 2003, 65,
2, May, 304-326. Abstract: We
offer a theory of the direction & nature of representational
linkages between constituents & their elected
representatives based on two attributes of issues: their
complexity & their relationship to the lines of partisan
cleavage. We show that the theory is compatible with the
existing evidence on representation & then offer results of
tests of new predictions from the theory for both simple & complex
party-defining issues. For additional evidence of the dyadic basis of
these findings, we also show that the strength of the observed linkages
varies in accordance with theoretical expectations about the seniority
of members of Congress &, for senators, recency of election. We
also explain how the theory can account for a number of seemingly
contradictory empirical findings in the large literature on
policy representation & how it allows scholars to make
precise predictions about the characteristics of
representational linkages. 3 Tables, 2 Figures, 79 References. Adapted
from the source document. Jackson, David
J; Engel, Steven T "Don't Bite
the PAC That Feeds You: Business PAC Punishment over the China Vote" American
Politics Research, 2003, 31,
2, Mar, 138-154. Abstract:
Previous research has found evidence that in high-profile
cases, political action committees (PACs) sometimes punish
members of Congress for voting in opposition to the PACs'
interests. This finding contradicts the conventional
understanding of campaign contributions as an inducement or reward for
voting record or access to a member of Congress. To understand better
the dimensions of the punishment strategy, we test whether corporate
PACs engage in punishment by examining the pattern of contributions
of finance & insurance PACs in the wake of the House vote on
granting permanent normal trade relations (PNTR) with China
in May 2000. Using ordinary least squares regression models,
we find support for a punishment strategy of finance &
insurance PACs as a result of a no vote on PNTR. The
magnitude of the punishment is highest for those members of
the House who have the strongest relationship with the PAC. 2 Tables,
1 Appendix, 40 References. [Copyright 2003 Sage Publications, Inc.]. Jacobson, David; Ruffer, Galya Benarieh 'Courts across
Borders: The Implications of Judicial Agency for Human Rights and
Democracy" Human Rights
Quarterly, 2003, 25,
1, Feb, 74-92. Abstract: The
global expansion of human rights has shifted modes of political
engagement in significant ways. This article analyzes this
shift as one towards 'judicial agency', where an
increasingly dense web of legal rights mediated by judicial
& administrative bodies enables the individual to bypass
traditional democratic forms of political mobilization. Through this
new mode of political engagement, litigants challenge legislative &
executive authority as they cross organizational & even national
boundaries through a 'nesting process', seeking judicial ways through
which they can restructure rules & norms over a range of issues.
This development is particularly marked in the EU. Adapted from the
source document. Jahanbegloo,
Ramin Journal of
Democracy, 2003, 14,
1, Jan, 126-131. Abstract: Explores the impasse between Iranian reformist
president Mohammad Khatami & conservative clerics &
security establishment that control power in the armed
forces, intelligence services, & judiciary. Iran's
political landscape is characterized as chaotic, marked by
multiple diverse power struggles between the broad forces of reformism
& conservatism, resulting in institutional gridlock. The idea of
democratization is seen to be diffusing among the population, adding
to the problem, as it backlights the conservative campaign against
reform in a glare of illegitimacy. The spread of reformism
among the populace is seen in the emergence of an ethic of
individualism counter to the ethic of obedience & the
rise of a new generation of intellectuals. However, there is
some disillusionment among the movement over the lack of
success of Khatami & the legislative branch. The poor economic
conditions of Iran are seen to motivate antigovernment demonstrations
& popular mobilization. In light of this, & the failure of the
reform movement thus far, three scenarios are posited: hardline coup
against Khatami, popularly compelled fracturing of & changing of
the guard in the conservative government structures, toppling of
repressive elements by a student-intellectual democratic
movement. J. Zendejas. Jenkins,
Jeffery A; Munger, Michael C "Investigating
the Incidence of Killer Amendments in Congress" Journal of
Politics, 2003, 65,
2, May, 498-517. Abstract: While
much empirical research has been devoted to the study of killer
amendments in recent years, few studies have explicitly
examined the theoretical foundations of the phenomenon. The
goal of this paper is to investigate why some killer
amendment attempts are successful, when theory suggests that
they should always fail. More specifically, we examine the practical
political constraints on legislators' abilities to neutralize the
imminent threat of killer amendments through sophisticated
voting. We also present two new cases, both occurring during
the Reconstruction era, in which killer amendments were used
successfully. In the end, our findings support previous
research on all successful killer amendments detailed in the
congressional literature: race was the issue under consideration at
the amendment stage. 4 Tables, 36 References. Adapted from the source
document. Jerome, Bruno;
Jerome-Speziari, Veronique; Lewis-Beck, Michael S "Reordering
the French Election Calendar: Forecasting the Consequences for 2002" European
Journal of Political Research, 2003, 42,
3, May, 425-440. Abstract:
French politicians sometimes change election rules for
political advantage. In the spring of 2001, the ruling
Socialists pushed through the inversion of the 2002 election
calendar despite stiff opposition. What were the
consequences of scheduling the presidential election before the
legislature elections? Employing new techniques for French
election forecasting, we show that the inversion brought
great vote gains to the Socialist-led coalition in both the
legislative & presidential arenas. One advantage of this
forecasting methodology is that it allows counterfactual comparisons
in advance of the actual election contest. Comparing the scenarios
'inversion' vs 'no inversion,' the Socialist leadership
appeared highly strategic & successful. 2 Tables, 24
References. Adapted from the source document. Jeydel, Alana;
Taylor, Andrew J Political
Research Quarterly, 2003, 56,
1, Mar, 19-27. Abstract: We compare the ability of female & male
members of the House of Representatives
to turn policy references into law - something we label
legislative effectiveness. The existing literature on women
in American legislatures is opaque, with some scholars
suggesting women are less effective than their male
colleagues & others arguing they are just as effective. Using data
from the 103rd-105th Congresses - specifically, data on bill &
amendment sponsorship & Stein & Bickers' data on the
distribution of federal domestic spending - we argue women
House members are not demonstrably less effective than their
male counterparts. Legislative effectiveness is the product
of seniority, preferences, & membership in important
House institutions. 4 Tables, 67 References. Adapted from the source
document. Johnson, Robert
David "The Unintended
Consequences of Congressional Reform: The Clark and Tunney Amendments
and U.S. Policy toward Angola" Diplomatic
History, 2003, 27,
2, Apr, 215-243. Jones, Mark
P; Mainwaring, Scott "The
Nationalization of Parties and Party Systems: An Empirical
Measure and an Application to the Americas" Party
Politics, 2003, 9, 2,
Mar, 139-166. Abstract: Political parties & party systems exhibit widely varying degrees of nationalization, that is the extent to which a party receives similar levels of electoral support throughout the country. The level of party nationalization has a prominent effect on such important factors as the survival of democracy, the types of issues that dominate political competition, legislative behaviour & public policy. In spite of its importance, party nationalization has been neglected in the comparative politics literature. Our article makes two contributions. First, it provides a measure of party & party system nationalization, based on the Gini coefficient, that is superior for comparative analysis to those employed to date. Second, it utilizes these measures to analyse nationalization in 17 democracies in the Americas, the first time nationalization has been examined empirically outside the advanced industrial democracies. The measure underscores the widely varying degrees in nationalization across party systems, within party systems over time, across parties within countries & within parties over time. 7 Tables, 1 Appendix, 33 References. [Copyright 2003 Sage Publications Ltd.].
Kar, Mehrangiz "Constitutional
Constraints" Journal of
Democracy, 2003, 14,
1, Jan, 132-136. Abstract: Examines the obstacles to democratization in
Iran's Constitution, noting that while some articles call
for the implementation of basic rights & freedoms,
others negate liberal concepts. The failure of reformist
legislators is rooted in contradictory provisions on the functions
& prerogatives of the Iranian legislature, the Majlis. Passed bills
are not binding until the Guardian Council of jurists & clerics
accepts it; every reform bill for the past 2 years has been rejected
by the council. Further, the so-called Expediency Council, created by
the Ayatollah Khomeini & added to the Constitution in 1990, exists
to settle impasses between the Guardian Council & Majlis in the
interest, it is claimed, of the Islamic Republic & not the
citizenry. Thus, it is argued that the Majlis is not a true
parliament, having to answer to two other bodies, & its
ineffectiveness in oversight only adds to its impotence.
These factors indicate that democratic progress is unlikely,
& in light of persistent social tensions, violence would
appear a likely prospect. J. Zendejas.
Karp, Jeffrey
A; Banducci, Susan A; Bowler, Shaun "To Know It
Is to Love It? Satisfaction with Democracy in the European Union" Comparative
Political Studies, 2003, 36,
3, Apr, 271-292. Abstract:
Recent reforms have been designed to enhance the power of
the European Parliament to counter criticisms of a
democratic deficit in the European Union (EU). We examine
how citizens now view these institutions & whether such
evaluations influence their satisfaction with the way democracy
works in the EU. Previous research has maintained that evaluations of
the quality of democracy are difficult to assess because opinions about
the EU largely reflect opinions about national institutions. Our
results indicate that this is not necessarily the case,
particularly among those who are politically aware. Those
with high levels of political knowledge rely more heavily on
evaluations of EU institutions when assessing democracy in
the EU. We also find evidence that evaluations of democratic
performance in the EU are motivated by the economic benefits
& costs associated with membership. The implications for
the democratic deficit & the satisfaction with democracy
measure are discussed. 1 Table, 4 Figures, 30 References.
[Copyright 2003 Sage Publications, Inc.]. Kellough, J
Edward; Selden, Sally Coleman "The
Reinvention of Public Personnel Administration: An Analysis
of the Diffusion of Personnel Management Reforms in the
States" Public
Administration Review, 2003, 63,
2, Mar-Apr, 165-176. Abstract: Reform is a common theme in American public
administration. During the twentieth century, at least 12
major administrative reforms took place at the federal level
& countless others in state & local governments.
Frequently, these reforms addressed the operation of public
personnel management systems. Recent efforts associated with
the reinventing government movement, for example, have proposed
numerous alterations to civil service rules &
procedures, & many jurisdictions have implemented
significant changes in their personnel practices. This
article examines the extent to which these kinds of personnel reforms
have been implemented by state governments. A reform index is developed
to document the considerable variation among states in their approach
to personnel practices. Several state characteristics are associated
with scores on this index, including legislative professionalism, which
bears a positive relationship to reform, & the level of
unemployment within a state & the proportion of state
employees associated with public employee unions, which are
both negatively associated with reform. 3 Tables, 1
Appendix, 59 References. Adapted from the source document. Kramer,
Karl-Heinz "Nepal in 2002:
Emergency and Resurrection of Royal Power" Asian Survey, 2003, 43,
1, Jan-Feb, 208-214. Abstract: Under a nine-month state of emergency amid
civil war, violence escalated & the human rights
situation deteriorated. Dissent over extension of the
emergency, & personal aversions between Prime Minister
Sher Bahadur Deuba & party president Girija Prasad Koirala,
led to a split in the ruling Nepali Congress Party. King Gyanendra
dissolved the House of Representatives on the recommendation
of the prime minister & called new elections for 13 Nov.
Gyanendra dismissed Deuba on 4 Oct, as Deuba proved unable
to hold the elections in time. The king assumed executive
powers himself, nominated a new council of ministers, &
delayed elections for an uncertain time. Adapted from the source
document. Krehbiel, Keith "The
Coefficient of Party Influence" Political
Analysis, 2003, 11,
1, winter, 95-103. Abstract: In a 2000 article in American Journal of
Political Science, James Snyder & Tim Groseclose develop
& apply an innovative method for detecting &
estimating the frequency & magnitude of party influence
in congressional roll call voting. This paper presents a
framework for assessing the coefficient that the authors interpret
as party influence. The analysis reveals that, & shows why, the
coefficient manifests two troublesome characteristics. The coefficient
cannot discriminate between disparate types of party influence because
the mapping between types of partisan influence & signs of the
coefficient is not one-to-one. Similarly, the coefficient
has a responsiveness problem because a marginal increase in
one party's influence can cause the estimate of the
coefficient to increase, decrease, or remain constant. Because
the literature on parties in Congress emphasizes majority-party
strength, the inability of the coefficient to isolate
party-specific effects is a serious drawback in the ongoing
hunt for genuine party discipline. 1 Table, 2 Figures, 23
References. Adapted from the source document. Kreppel, Amie;
Hix, Simon "From Grand
Coalition to Left-Right Confrontation: Explaining the Shifting
Structure of Party Competition in the European Parliament" Comparative
Political Studies, 2003, 36,
1-2, Feb-Mar, 75-96. Abstract: In this article, the authors address the
rationalist-constructivist debate head on. They start by
discussing a significant empirical phenomenon in
contemporary EU politics: the changing pattern of political competition
in the European Parliament (EP), from a grand coalition of the two main
parties in the 1994-1999 EP, to a new structure of left-right
competition in the 1999-2004 EP. The authors then illustrate
how rational choice & constructivist assumptions offer
competing explanations of this shift in the culture of
competition in the EP, which in turn generate competing
empirically testable hypotheses. These propositions are tested
using a logistic analysis of more than 400 roll-call votes in a period
from the 1994-1999 & the 1999-2004 parliament. The authors conclude
that neither basic theoretical framework performs well & that the
best explanation needs to incorporate assumptions from both frameworks.
6 Tables, 28 References. [Copyright 2003 Sage Publications, Inc.]. Ladrech, Robert "The Left and
the European Union" Parliamentary
Affairs, 2003, 56,
1, Jan, 112-124. Abstract: This article surveys the efforts of the
party-political Left (primarily social democratic parties)
to influence the European Union policy agenda. It does so by
analyzing (a) the points of contact between the Left &
the EU, & (b) evaluating the output of such efforts. It
focuses on the recipients of the EU's regional policy, the
interaction of national ministers in EU settings such as the Council
of Ministers & European Council, & the activities of the Left
in the European Parliament. It next evaluates the policy influence of
social democrats through the initiatives of the Party of European
Socialists, their transnational party federation. The
party's actions as regards the Employment Chapter in the
Treaty of Amsterdam, as well as efforts at promoting
economic coordination in monetary & fiscal affairs, are
specifically reviewed. Adapted from the source document. Leal, David L "Early Money
and Senate Primary Elections" American
Politics Research, 2003, 31,
1, Jan, 93-104. Abstract: This
article investigates the role of early money in Senate primary
elections. The data show that in elections from 1988 to
1996, early money played an indirect role by leading to more
money raised in the normal (nonearly) electoral period but
not by directly affecting election outcomes. This dynamic
exists while controlling for factors such as previous political
experience & candidate wealth, so it is not simply the case that
early money is following the more experienced candidates or reflecting
personal resources. These results confirm the view that the possession
of early money signals political elites that a candidate is credible.
The conclusions are similar to those of some previous researchers,
although this study focuses on a different electoral arena
& a different type of election & uses a different
specification of the early variables. Early money does not
specifically benefit female candidates, however, which has
not been previously tested. 2 Tables, 21 References. [Copyright
2003 Sage Publications, Inc.]. Lewis, Jeffrey "Institutional
Environments and Everyday EU Decision Making: Rationalist or
Constructivist?" Comparative
Political Studies, 2003, 36,
1-2, Feb-Mar, 97-124. Abstract: What difference do institutional environments
make? Do they primarily affect strategy, with constraining
& enabling effects on behavior as rationalists hold? Or
do they also affect attitudes, identities, & how
interests are formulated as constructivists assert? Within a
given institutional environment, what impact does the style
of decision making - which beyond formal characteristics such as the
decision rule includes informal rules, norms, & shared
understandings - play in determining bargaining outcomes?
This article examines these questions in the context of EU
decision making by focusing on the Committee of Permanent
Representatives (Coreper). Coreper is an ideal laboratory o
test these questions empirically, because this committee represents
the needle's eye through which the legislative workload of the Council
flows. And the permanent representatives who live in Brussels &
meet weekly to prepare upcoming ministerial meetings are exemplars of
state agents given their prominence in articulating & defending
national interests across the gamut of EU affairs. 1 Table, 49
References. [Copyright 2003 Sage Publications, Inc.]. Lopez, Edward
J "Term Limits:
Causes and Consequences" Public Choice, 2003, 114,
1-2, Jan, 1-56. Abstract: This paper consults multiple literatures to
specify & evaluate the economic rationales for term
limitation, particularly on Congress. I first consider
theories that arose to explain, among related issues, why
individual states might unilaterally self-impose term limits
on their own delegations to Congress. Next, I consider two main lines
of argument for universal limits, both of which begin with the
empirical phenomenon of high & rising congressional
tenure. First, supporters of term limits argue that higher
tenure biases legislatures toward inefficient big government
(high spending). Second, higher tenure creates inefficient
(anti-competitive) conditions in the legislative election market. Term
limitation would remedy these inefficiencies by virtue of decreasing
average tenure. These claims are then evaluated in light of the
evidence amassed in the literature. Based on the literature
reviewed, this paper finds that, while term limits will
reduce average tenure, there is no evidence to suggest that
term limits will affect the underlying causes of these
inefficiencies. Further research on a more general reform,
which would strike deeper at these underlying causes, is implied. 3
Tables, 2 Figures, 39 References. Adapted from the source document. Louishomme,
Claude "Competing for
Growth: The Exceptional Case of Gaming" American
Behavioral Scientist, 2003, 46,
8, Apr, 1104-1125. Abstract:
Contrary to what the urban political economy literature
would lead us to predict, riverboat casinos have
increasingly faced strong, organized opposition in many
states across the country despite the large amounts of private
investments, jobs, & tax revenues generated by casino developments.
Yet at the same time, no such significant opposition has developed to
successfully challenge the granting of large public subsidies to other
private businesses by state & local governments. The author argues
that this anomaly is explained by the mobilization of nationally
organized interest groups that are successful in framing
gaming as a moral, expressive issue, not only an
instrumental strategy of economic development. These groups
have been able to exploit the decentralization & fragmentation
of the political system by exerting influence in several arenas,
including citizen referenda, legal appeals, &
legislative action. 6 Tables, 56 References. [Copyright 2003
Sage Publications, Inc.]. Lovenduski,
Joni; Norris, Pippa "Westminster
Women: The Politics of Presence" Political
Studies, 2003, 51,
1, Mar, 84-102. Abstract: The entry of the 1997 cohort of Labour women
into public life offers a test case of whether, & under
what conditions, women politicians have the capacity to
'make a substantive difference.' We
outline the theory of the politics of presence & discuss
how to operationalize this in a testable model. We use the British
Representation Study survey of 1,000 national politicians
(including parliamentary candidates & elected Members of
Parliament) conducted in the 2001 general election. Analysis
centers on the impact of gender on five scales measuring
attitudes & values on issues that commonly divide British
party politics. Once we control for party, there are no significant
differences among women & men politicians across the value scales
concerning the free market economy, Europe, & moral traditionalism.
Yet on the values most directly related to women's interests - ie, the
affirmative action & the gender equality scales - women & men
politicians differ significantly within each party, even after
controlling for other common social background variables
that explain attitudes, such as their age, education, &
income. The conclusion considers why these findings matter
for the composition of parliament, the public policy agenda,
& women's roles as political leaders. 4 Tables, 1
Figure, 63 References. Adapted from the source document.
Lublin, David;
Voss, D Stephen "The Missing
Middle: Why Median-Voter Theory Can't Save Democrats from Singing the
Boll-Weevil Blues" Journal of
Politics, 2003, 65,
1, Feb, 227-237. Abstract: Racial redistricting decimated the southern
congressional districts once represented by centrist
Democrats. Electoral maps drawn in the 1990s instead helped
polarize the South's congressional delegation into a mixture
of minority Democrats & right-wing Republicans, creating
a more favorable environment for conservative legislation. The
median-voter approach offered by Ken Shotts misses this
phenomenon, primarily because neither his statistical model
nor his formal model incorporates the sharp rightward shift
in the House median that followed the 1994 Republican
takeover of Congress. As a result, his models completely discount gains
made by hard-Right Republicans at the expense of moderate Democrats.
1 Table, 1 Figure, 11 References. Adapted from the source document. Maestas,
Cherie "The Incentive
to Listen: Progressive Ambition, Resources, and Opinion Monitoring
among State Legislators" Journal of
Politics, 2003, 65,
2, May, 439-456. Abstract: This
article argues that political ambitions combined with the resources
offered by professional legislatures can enhance the prospects for
representation of citizen interests because ambitious
legislators have strong incentives to closely monitor
constituent opinions while they wait for a strategic
opportunity to run for higher office. The effect of ambition for higher
office should be especially pronounced in professional legislatures
that provide members with high salaries, staff, & office budgets
to aid their efforts. The relationship between ambition, legislative
professionalism, & behavior are tested using data drawn from a
survey of upper & lower chamber members in 8 state
legislatures. The results show that legislators who are
progressively ambitious spend more time monitoring public
opinion than legislators who are nonambitious or statically
ambitious & that legislative resources augment this effect. 2
Tables, 1 Figure, 28 References. Adapted from the source
document. Maestas,
Cherie; Neeley, Grant W; Richardson, Lilliard E , Jr "The State of
Surveying Legislators: Dilemmas and Suggestions" State
Politics & Policy Quarterly, 2003, 3, 1,
spring, 90-108. Abstract: State-level research affords scholars a unique
opportunity to study legislative behavior because state
legislators are accessible in ways that members of Congress
are not. State legislators' willingness to respond to
interviews & questionnaires has provided scholars with a
rich array of data about their behavior & perceptions. This
survey research has contributed greatly to our theoretical &
practical knowledge of legislative behavior &
institutions. We examine 73 articles published in top
academic journals from 1975 to 2000 to identify common
techniques of surveying state legislators, & suggest ways
in which scholars can enhance the prospects for collecting high quality
data. We also consider what type of collective efforts could be
undertaken to enhance this underutilized resource for
studying legislative politics. 3 Tables, 92 References.
Adapted from the source document. Marcella, Rita;
Baxter, Graeme; Moore, Nick "The
Effectiveness of Parliamentary Information Services in the
United Kingdom" Government
Information Quarterly, 2003, 20,
1, Jan, 29-46. Abstract: A pilot study was conducted to reveal the
quality of the public information services provided by the
UK Parliament in London & also the legislatures in
Scotland, Wales, & Northern Ireland as they sought to
increase democratic participation & reach marginalized
groups. The study, funded by the Economic & Social Research Council
(ESRC), conducted interviews with service providers & also with
visitors to the road shows throughout the UK. The service providers
possessed differing activities & resources, but each faced specific
challenges due to the rapid growth of e-mail & blocks to user focus
& consistency of approach over the official Web sites. While the
road show approach was promising in its potential to raise interest
& participation, many people found the resources difficult &
confusing, & excluded groups did not seem to be materially assisted
by the information & communications technologies. 1 Table. L. A.
Hoffman. Maurer, Andreas "Less
Bargaining-More Deliberation. The Convention Method for
Enhancing EU Democracy" Internationale
Politik und Gesellschaft, 2003, 1,
167-190. Abstract: The decision-making process in the EU has a
fundamental flaw: because negotiations take place largely
behind closed doors the European demos feels left out of it,
therefore undermining the democratic basis of the EU &
its reason for existing. Such a demos needs to be gradually
formed by deliberative democracy that focuses not on majority
decision, but on the joint search, by means of an open exchange of
arguments, for solutions to shared problems. This Convention
Method points to new ways to democratize the EU
decision-making processes, because, separately from all
rules on who is responsible for what, it brings members of
the European Parliament & of national parliaments together with
government & commission representatives for an intensive,
results-oriented exchange of views. It creates scope for the
representatives of the people at the EU & national
levels to substantively influence EU policy & should
therefore be promoted by all European parliaments. Adapted
from the source document.
May, R J "Turbulence
and Reform in Papua New Guinea" Journal of
Democracy, 2003, 14,
1, Jan, 154-165. Abstract: Examines Papua New Guinea's (PNG) brand of
democracy, which while continuous since independence,
exhibits multiple signs of a weak state. The fluidity of the
party system is described in terms of a lack of ideological
distinction, mass organization, & party discipline; a
fondness for coalition politics that prohibits the legislative
process; & the large number of candidates who stand & win as
independents, a sign that party's lack campaign resources. The nature
of PNG elections is addressed, finding most votes cast along clan or
village lines, corruption & unscrupulous tactics by candidates who
need only secure a small number of votes, & problematic provincial
governments established to forestall potential regional separatist
movements in Papua & Bougainville. The role of the Papua
New Guinea Defence Force in civilian affairs is recounted,
highlighting the Sandline International scandal &
instability at the top military echelons. Reform efforts,
eg, the Organic Law on the Integrity of Political Parties &
Candidates, are noted, & the troubling circumstances of
the 2002 national election are recounted. The future of
PNG's democracy is assessed in light of the country's deep
ethnolinguistic fragmentation, volatility of the electoral
process, & impact of coalition politics on governance.
J. Zendejas. Mayhew, David
R "Supermajority
Rule in the U.S. Senate" PS:
Political Science & Politics, 2003, 36,
1, Jan, 31-36. Abstract: Explores the topic of supermajority rule &
legislative dynamics in the US senate. Examples of 1937-1938
legislative drives, e.g., the push for anti-lynching
legislation, are underpinned with theoretical arguments
surrounding the congressional strategies. Guidelines for studying
congressional behavior & supermajority politics are evaluated. 40
References. L. Collins. McDermott,
Monika L; Jones, David R "Do Public
Evaluations of Congress Matter? Retrospective Voting in
Congressional Elections" American
Politics Research, 2003, 31,
2, Mar, 155-177. Abstract Although recent
research has made great strides in explaining the causes of public
approval or disapproval of Congress, there has been little
evidence that evaluations of Congress have had any
demonstrable effects on the political system. In fact, the
literature suggests that individual members are largely
insulated from public judgments of Congress. In contrast, we show that
attitudes toward congressional performance affect outcomes in
congressional elections. Specifically, voters hold the
congressional majority party responsible for Congress's
performance, punishing House candidates from this party when
they disapprove of Congress & rewarding them when they
approve, regardless of incumbent status. These findings carry
implications both for the behavior of those in Congress,
where majority party members would benefit from acting in
ways that boost the public image of Congress, & for
strategic politicians hoping to attain office, who should
take congressional approval into account when deciding whether to
challenge an incumbent from a particular party. 2 Tables, 1
Appendix, 29 References. [Copyright 2003 Sage Publications,
Inc.]. Messmer,
William B "Taming
Labour's MEPs" Party
Politics, 2003, 9, 2,
Mar, 201-208. Abstract: The national party leaders of Europe, sitting
in separate national parliaments from their party's Members
of the European Parliament (MEPs), normally have difficulty
influencing MEP policy decisions. This article, after
pointing out the obstacles which minimize national party
influence, analyzes a new & largely unacknowledged system of MEP
coordination & control developed by the British Labour Party. Using
data from interviews with Labour's MEPs, the article concludes that
Labour's leaders have created an influential system of rewards &
sanctions that have encouraged a closer & more disciplined
relationship in this dual-parliamentary setting. 5 Tables,
24 References. [Copyright 2003 Sage Publications Ltd.]. Millard, F "The
Parliamentary Elections in Poland, September 2001" Electoral
Studies, 2003, 22,
2, June, 367-374. Abstract: The
parliamentary election in Poland in Sept 2001 accelerated upheaval in
the party system. It saw the victory of a new left-wing electoral
coalition led by the successan following the trend in
limiting the scope of parliamentary immunity, the use of the
Authorization Model applies a sensitivity to accountability
that accommodates the tension between political corruption
& representational independence. L. A. Hoffman. Morris, Lorenzo Pacek,
Alexander C; Radcliff, Benjamin "Voter
Participation and Party-Group Fortunes in European
Parliament Elections, 1979-1999: A Cross-National Analysis" Political
Research Quarterly, 2003, 56,
1, Mar, 91-95. Abstract: Scholars have addressed the relationship
between voter participation & party electoral fortunes
for some time. Specifically, a number of studies postulate
that Left-of-center parties are the primary beneficiaries of
higher rates of voter turnout. This research note extends
this argument to a classic low turnout environment: the elections to
the European Parliament. Using data from 11 members of the European
Union between 1979 & 1999, we test the turnout-party vote linkage
through pooled cross-national time series analysis. We find that,
indeed, increased turnout benefits the Left party groups in
the European Parliament. We conclude with some implications
for this finding. 3 Tables, 32 References. Adapted from the
source document. Popescu, Marina "The
Parliamentary and Presidential Elections in Romania,
November 2000" Electoral
Studies, 2003, 22,
2, June, 325-395. Abstract:
Parliamentary & presidential elections took place in
Romania on 26 Nov 2000, with the second round of the
presidential elections held two weeks later. The elections
saw defeat for the parties that governed Romania in the
1996-2000 period. Following the elections, the Romanian Party of Social
Democracy (PDSR), the left-wing party that governed Romania before
1996, returned to government & Ion Illiescu regained the
presidency he lost in 1996. For most observers, the most
surprising aspect of the election was not the victory of the
PDSR & Iliescu, but the unexpectedly high support
gathered by the extremist nationalist Party of Greater
Romania (PRM). 3 Tables, 8 References. Adapted from the source document. Ripley, Randall
B (Review of: Henehan, Marie T) "Foreign Policy
and Congress: An International Relations Perspective" Journal of
Politics, 2003, 65,
1, Feb, 259-261. Romero, David
W 'Divisive
Primaries and the House District Vote: A Pooled Analysis" American
Politics Research, 2003, 31,
2, Mar, 178-190. Abstract The
verdict on the divisive primary hypothesis has fluctuated as
investigators have pursued a variety of theoretical & methodological
debates. Although most recent studies find that divisive primaries harm
general election outcomes, some claim that this effect is spurious,
an artifact of uncontrolled electoral prospects phenomena. I argue that
this claim is debatable because it rests on questionable conceptual
& model constructs & evidence inconsistent with an
investigation that controls for the phenomena central to the
spurious effect claim. Instead, I show that null &
alternative hypothesis findings turn on an unfeatured design
characteristic, pooling election years. After controlling
for phenomena central to the spurious effect claim &
pooling election years, I extend the divisive primary hypothesis to
the arena currently void of evidentiary support: elections to the House
of Representatives. In addition, I find that the divisive primary
penalty is asymmetric, applying in incumbent but not
open-seat races. 1 Table, 1 Appendix, 17 References.
[Copyright 2003 Sage Publications, Inc.].
Rosenson, Beth
A "Against Their
Apparent Self-Interest: The Authorization of Independent State
Legislative Ethics Commissions, 1973-96" State
Politics & Policy Quarterly, 2003, 3, 1,
spring, 42-65. Abstract: Why do state legislators enact policies that
conflict with their immediate self-interest? I address this
question by assessing the impact of traditional &
nontraditional policy determinants on ethics policy
adoption. Specifically, I use event history analysis to
identify the factors that explain the authorization of independent
state legislative ethics commissions from 1973 to 1996. I
find that the determinants of ethics policy are
substantially, but not completely, different from those of
other policies, with ethics policy fitting into an agenda-setting
model better than many other policies. Scandals & the actions of
other states played a prominent role in setting the agenda &
facilitating the authorization of ethics commissions. The
agenda-setting process transforms the immediate
self-interest of legislators on this issue from one of
concern about their own economic well being to one of concern
about reelection. In addition, political culture, institutional power
arrangements, legislative compensation, & party competition had
small but discernible effects on the likelihood of a state establishing
a legislative ethics commission. 3 Tables, 94 References. Adapted from
the source document. Rudolph, Thomas
J "Institutional
Context and the Assignment of Political Responsibility" Journal of
Politics, 2003, 65,
1, Feb, 190-215. Abstract: Comparative analyses of economic voting in
Europe & in the American states suggest that
institutional context structures the assignment of political
responsibility for policy outcomes. Since most of it has
proceeded at the aggregate level, however, the extant
literature is ill equipped to comment critically on the ability of
individuals to incorporate information about institutional
context into their responsibility judgments & on whether
the effects of such contextual factors outweigh those of
individual-level characteristics. This article analyzes attributions
of executive versus legislative responsibility for fiscal policy
outcomes in the American states & represents the first
attempt to integrate both institutional context &
responsibility attributions into a single analysis.
Exploiting recent advances in multilevel modeling techniques,
this article analyzes the extent to which individuals' responsibility
judgments are shaped by institutional & individual-level factors
& how, in turn, these responsibility judgments influence political
evaluations. 5 Tables, 1 Appendix, 66 References. Adapted from the
source document.
Saez,
Lawrence "India in 2002:
The BJP's Faltering Mandate and the Morphology of Nuclear War" Asian Survey, 2003, 43,
1, Jan-Feb, 186-197. Abstract: This article surveys some of the critical
events that took place in India in 2002, paying particular
attention to India's uneasy relationship with Pakistan. It
also evaluated the significance of internal political
developments, such as the significance of state assembly
elections & the occurrence of riots in Gujarat. The survey
concludes with a brief examination of India's economic developments.
Adapted from the source document. Samuels, David
J; Shugart, Matthew Soberg "Presidentialism,
Elections and Representation" Journal of
Theoretical Politics, 2003, 15,
1, Jan, 33-60. Abstract: How does presidentialism affect various forms
of representation? All else being equal, presidentialism is
likely to impede the prospects for 'mandate' representation
but enhance the prospects for 'accountability'
representation. The degree of mandate or accountability representation
is a function of the balance of powers & the degree of separation
of purpose between the branches. Strong presidentialism works against
mandate representation by freeing the president from his/her
legislative copartisans & promoting 'policy switching'.
In contrast, a high 'separation of purpose', defined
primarily by a country's electoral institutions, clarifies
for voters the responsibility of each branch for policy.
Thus presidentialism - under certain common institutional
configurations - provides accountability representation to a degree
overlooked by existing research. 2 Tables, 1 Figure, 47 References.
[Copyright 2003 Sage Publications Ltd.]. Santos,
Gevanilda Gomes dos "Racism: A
Contradiction within the Brazilian Democratic System" National
Political Science Review, 2003, 9,
87-95. Abstract: Studies the role of the Brazilian political
party system within the democratic system in offering a
legal & administrative framework for the equitable
distribution of power & the guarantee of black civil
rights. In the 1930s the Frente Negra Brasileira (FNB) was
organized to achieve social integration through the party system.
From 1945 through 1964, the Brazilian Workers Party (PTB) worked for
racial-social relations, but it was the National Democratic Union (UDN)
that introduced the Afonso Arinos Law against discrimination. Under
the Geisel regime, the ideological myth of racial democracy
necessitated an enforced silence to hide the reality of
racism. The Unified Black Movement emerged in 1978, & a
few black people were elected to parliament. A political
opening was created in the 1980s allowing the operation of a
multiparty system. A racial vote emerged, & new uncompromising
black legislators defended black rights. In the 1990s, the federal
government acknowledged social & racial inequalities
& the need to transform the discourse into effective
change. L. A. Hoffman.
Sarkees,
Meredith Reid; Wayman, Frank Whelon; Singer, J David "Inter-State,
Intra-State, and Extra-State Wars: A Comprehensive Look at Their
Distribution over Time, 1816-1997" International
Studies Quarterly, 2003, 15,
1, Mar, 49-70. Abstract: For more than three decades the Correlates of
War Project's database has served the research needs of most
of the quantitative world politics community, especially in
identifying & trying to account for several classes of
war (interstate, extra-systemic, & civil) throughout the
international system since 1816. However, a number of the
disagreements in the literature concerning the prospects of war
derive from the tendency of many researchers to rely
on only one of our data sets (eg, interstate war). Here we wish to
stimulate a broader view of war by examining the interplay
among the three major types of war. Historical developments
of the past half-century, & especially since the end of
the Cold War, have rendered the original COW war typology
increasingly incomplete. Consequently, we developed a
modified typology of war & attempted to format the descriptive
variables in ways that would facilitate a more comparative &
comprehensive analysis of warfare. While the reader should
be reassured that Interstate Wars remain as previously
defined, we introduce the term 'Intrastate War' in place of
our original Civil War category, & the term 'Extra-state
War' in place of our initial Extra-systemic War category, allowing us
to reclassify several such wars. This revised typology coupled with
an update of the data allows us to take a fresh look at the question
whether, from the perspective of the past two centuries, war is in fact
becoming less common. The article concludes with a series of analyses
that describe the patterns & trends of all types of war -
reflecting the new typology - since the Congress of Vienna.
These analyses reflect a disquieting constancy in warfare
& hint at patterns of interchangeability or
substitutability among the types of war. 4 Tables, 6 Figures, 55
References. Adapted from the source document. Schleiter,
Petra "Mixed
Constitutions and Political Instability: Russia 1991-1993" Democratization, 2003, 10,
1, spring, 1-26. Abstract: Mixed constitutions combine executive
presidents with assembly-dependent prime ministers. While
some analysts argue that these regimes foster stability,
their presidents are also often viewed as pivotal actors
when such regimes collapse. Russia's First Republic seemed
to fit the latter pattern, & this article inquires into whether
the addition of an executive presidency to its constitution truly had
a destabilizing effect on Russia's first attempt at democracy.
Specialists provide different perspectives on this question.
One view is that the constitution had no effect on political
outcomes; a second suggests that it may have had effects
particular to Russia. Alternatively, its impact may have
followed patterns similar to other countries. To examine
these views, the article provides the first classification of this
constitution using a comparative typology & then looks
at the outcomes of political disagreements over government,
policy, & the constitution. It finds that these followed
the sort of patterns of compromise & conflict that one
might expect from a comparative perspective. The implications
for our understanding of Russian politics & political transitions
are explored. It is argued that the Russian case helps to clarify the
strengths & weaknesses of the mixed constitutions that have
attracted such divergent views. 3 Tables, 4 Figures. Adapted
from the source document. Scully, Roger "External
Change, Internal Development: Studying the European
Parliament" Government
and Opposition, 2003, 38,
1, winter, 131-138. Abstract:
A review essay on a book by A. Kreppel, The European Parliament and Supranational
Party System: A Study in Institutional Development
(Cambridge: Cambridge U Press, 2002). Semetko, Holli
A; Krasnoboka, Natalya "The Political
Role of the Internet in Societies in Transition: Russia and Ukraine
Compared" Party
Politics, 2003, 9, 1,
Jan, 77-104. Abstract: Our research investigates the opportunities
provided by the Internet for political parties to
communicate to the electorate, & the extent to which
party Web sites are used vs other information sources on the
Web. We find that parties in Parliament, major parties &
newly created parties are more prominent online than others, &,
based on standard quality indicators, that parliamentary parties &
new parties have better quality Web sites. This confirms some of the
findings concerning parties online in established democracies. On
comparing party with news Web sites, however, we find that
sites of online-only newspapers are the most popular; that
online versions of offline news outlets are of secondary
importance, in contrast to what has been found in
established democracies; & that party & politician Web sites
are of least importance to users, based on the number of hits to these
Web sites. The political role of the Internet in Russia & Ukraine
is discussed in conclusion. 2 Tables, 2 Figures, 2 Appendixes, 49
References. [Copyright 2003 Sage Publications Ltd.]. Sharlet,
Robert "Constitutional
Law and Politics in Russia: Surviving the First Decade" Demokratizatsiya:
The Journal of Post-Soviet Democratization, 2003, 11,
1, winter, 122-128. Abstract: Examines the survival of Russian
constitutional reforms across the tumultuous 1990s. Critical
moments include the constitutional crisis of the First
Republic's 1993 collapse; the 1994-1996 (first) Chechen war,
which motivated parliamentary challenges to executive power
& the reemergence of the Constitutional Court; the Aug 1998
economic crisis, which set a new benchmark for
legislative-executive culture in the constitutional
framework; the first transfer of power, 1999/00, from Boris
Yeltsin to Vladimir Putin, which stayed within constitutional
& legal bounds of presidential succession; & the 1992-2002
challenge of nurturing a constitutional culture. The
increasing salience of the Constitutional Court is cited. J.
Zendejas. Shotts, Kenneth
W "Does Racial
Redistricting Cause Conservative Policy Outcomes? Policy Preferences
of Southern Representatives in the 1980s and 1990s" Journal of
Politics, 2003, 65,
1, Feb, 216-226. Abstract: This research note uses a median legislator
model to assess the claim that racial redistricting leads to
conservative policy outcomes. I examine policy preferences
of southern representatives to the US House in the late
1980s & early 1990s. Surprisingly, the fraction of southern
representatives who were liberal, that is, to the left of the House
median, increased after racial redistricting. To explain this empirical
pattern, I develop a simple formal model of redistricting's electoral
effects. In the model, racial redistricting in a conservative state
increases the number of members of that state's delegation to the left
of the US House median, thereby moving national policy outcomes to the
left. 1 Table, 2 Figures, 11 References. Adapted from the source
document. Shotts, Kenneth
W "Racial
Redistricting's Alleged Perverse Effects: Theory, Data, and
Reality" Journal of
Politics, 2003, 65,
1, Feb, 238-243. Abstract: In this rejoinder I address Lublin &
Voss's (2003) theoretical & empirical critique of my
analysis of racial redistricting. I first show that their
theoretical critique simply consists of unsubstantiated
assertions. Moreover, Lublin & Voss fail to recognize that their
unproven assertions are directly contradicted by previously published
theoretical analysis. I then turn to Lublin & Voss's empirical
critique & demonstrate that the research design
underlying their claims is fundamentally flawed. Thus,
Lublin & Voss provide no compelling reason to question
my conclusion that racial redistricting for the US House of
Representatives promotes liberal policy outcomes. 11 References.
Adapted from the source document. Smith, Daniel
A "Overturning
Term Limits: The Legislature's Own Private Idaho?" PS:
Political Science & Politics, 2003, 36,
2, Apr, 215-220. Abstract:
Discusses the ID legislature's 2002 overturning of a 1994
statutory initiative that mandated term limits for nearly
all state & local elected officials. The action, which
was in opposition to both public opinion & the will of
Republican governor Dirk Kempthorne, made ID the first state
to use legislative action to strike down citizen-imposed term limits.
The focus is on what led the GOP-controlled legislature to make the
bold, seemingly self-serving move to reverse a ballot initiative that
had overwhelming public support. Contributing factors explored include
the large number of uncontested seats; the power of long-serving
legislators; Republican desire to continue dominance of the
legislature; & geographic considerations, including
rural/urban differences. The impact of each factor is
assessed to conclude that, although self-serving motives were
obviously in play, there was equal concern over the consequences of
the 1994 initiative for local official like county clerks, sheriffs,
tax assessors, & mayors, who have powerful lobbying associations.
The political repercussions are discussed. 2 Tables, 1 Photograph, 44
References. J. Lindroth. Sorensen, Rune
J "The Political
Economy of Intergovernmental Grants: The Norwegian Case" European
Journal of Political Research, 2003, 42,
2, Mar, 163-195. Abstract: The centralization of local public finance is
commonly justified in terms of equality. The welfare state
regulates local government & allocates grants in a way
that sacrifices efficiency to achieve equality. The
political economy model suggests that democratically elected
national politicians may pursue policies that diverge from this. This
article outlines a version of the political economy model based on
seat-maximizing politicians in central & local
government. Both parliamentary policy making & local
government lobbying may generate disparities in grant
allocation. On the basis of data on central grant distribution in
Norway, we observe persistent disparities in local
government revenues that cannot be accounted for by regional
policy aims or egalitarian objectives. Extensive data on
local governments, the lobbying activities of local council
members & the Storting (the Norwegian Parliament) allows
us to test the political economy hypotheses. Disparities in the number
of seats allocated to the national election districts, &
differences in the local lobbying activities, influence the
distribution of grants between municipalities &
counties. 7 Tables, 1 Figure, 30 References. Adapted
from the source document. Talbot, Ian "Pakistan in
2002: Democracy, Terrorism, and Brinkmanship" Asian Survey, 2003, 43,
1, Jan-Feb, 198-207. Abstract: This article focuses on three areas that
dominated Pakistan during 2002. The first was the transition
to democracy in Oct. The background to the elections &
the controversies surrounding this are examined along with
the main party groupings & the outcomes. Second, the
article considers the tense relations with India that threatened war
both in Jan & May. The military standoff is explained in terms of
the cross-border terrorism issue. Third, the article explains that
Pakistan itself was a major victim of terrorism during the
year. These outrages were designed to hit out at soft
Western targets, & to undermine the Musharraf
government. Uncertainties abounded in Pakistan throughout
much of the year. These arose firstly from the military standoff with
India that followed the 13 Dec 2001 attack on India's Parliament;
secondly, from the threat of terrorist outrages within
Pakistan; & thirdly, from anxieties concerning the
future of civil-military relations in the wake of the Oct
parliamentary elections. Adapted from the source document. Tate, Katherine "Black Opinion
on the Legitimacy of Racial Redistricting and Minority-Majority
Districts" American
Political Science Review, 2003, 97,
1, Feb, 45-56. Abstract: Minority-majority districts are highly
controversial. To assess the degree to which black positions
on this controversial matter were well-thought-out &
fixed, questions based on Sniderman & Piazza's (1993)
counterargument technique were included in the 1996 National
Black Election Study. Black opinion instability on the issue
of race & redistricting reveals the complexity of mass attitudes
& the reasoning process, & reflects the manner in which a set
of clashing interests & core values is balanced & prioritized.
Although a large majority of blacks voiced initial opposition to
creating districts where blacks & Hispanics are the
voting majority, most blacks changed their position in
response to the counterargument. This asymmetry suggests
that blacks more strongly favor the goal of increasing
minority representation thanthe principle of color blindness in
Congressional redistricting. Education
& racial identification are key predictors of black
opinion on racial redistricting. Less educated blacks &
weak racial identifiers were less supportive of minority-majority
districts & racial redistricting practices. These
results support the revisionist perspective among public
opinion scholars that rational, thinking individuals can
hold wavering opinions on questioning because they generally
encapsulate a set of contradictory values & interests. 9
Tables, 1 Appendix, 45 References. Adapted from the source
document. Tenpas,
Kathryn Dunn Theriault, Sean
M "Patronage,
the Pendleton Act, and the Power of the People" Journal of
Politics, 2003, 65,
1, Feb, 50-68. Abstract: The conventional wisdom & congressional
scholarship find that members of Congress use their public
authority to facilitate their re-elections (Aldrich 1995;
Moe 1990; Parker 1992; Weingast & Marshall 1988). The
adoption of the Pendleton Act of 1883 has been cited as
another in a long line of examples in which members have stacked
the deck in their own self-interests (Johnson & Libecap 1994a).
I challenge these pervasive views by presenting evidence that public
pressure was an important & frequently overlooked factor in
explaining the adoption of civil service reform in the late
19th century. More generally, I argue that members of
Congress will enact reforms that diminish their power or
restrict their authority only when the public is attentive
& united; otherwise, they will establish governing
structures & rules that facilitate their own re-elections. This
insight sheds light, more broadly, on the relationship between the
represented & their representatives. 4 Tables, 1 Figure,
34 References. Adapted from the source document. Tkach-Kawasaki,
Leslie M "Politics@Japan:
Party Competition on the Internet in Japan" Party
Politics, 2003, 9, 1,
Jan, 105-123. Abstract: This article discusses how Japanese political
parties & candidates have been using the Internet to
compete for public support in two national elections held in
2000 & 2001. The major question examined is how far the
unique institutional context within Japan of long-standing
one-party rule & a controlled media environment has
affected the development of Web campaigning by political actors.
This question is addressed through analysis of trends over time in
party activity online & content analysis of Web sites.
It is concluded that the Internet has had a significant
impact on the fortunes of minor parties, opening up
cross-party competition & enhancing their calls for
legislative reform. 7 Tables, 40 References.
[Copyright 2003 Sage Publications Ltd.]. Valen, Henry "The Storting
Election in Norway, September 2001" Electoral
Studies, 2003, 22,
1, Mar, 179-185. Abstract:
Discusses the Sept 2001 Storting (parliament) elections in
Norway. The formation of a government coalition is
described, along with the election issues & results. 3
Tables, 12 References. Wigley, Simon Yang, Dali L "China in 2002:
Leadership Transition and the Political Economy of Governance" Asian Survey, 2003, 43,
1, Jan-Feb, 25-40. Abstract: The 16th National Congress of the Chinese
Communist Party defined the policy agenda for 2002. Hu
Jintao succeeded Jiang Zemin as Party general secretary, but
Jiang retained the chairmanship of the Central Military
Commission. Politically, the Chinese leadership gave special
emphasis to stability, & continued to combat the Falungong
& crack down on dissent on the Internet. In the economic sphere,
the People's Republic of China enjoyed another year of rapid growth,
& largely complied with the first-year requirements of its WTO
membership. Restructuring & regulatory reforms in major
industries accelerated. In the face of major worker
protests, populism dominated social policy, with greater
assistance to the poor & a crusade against tax evasion
by the new rich. Major fiscal reforms were implemented. China enjoyed
stable relations with the world's major powers but its ties with North
Korea came under strain. Adapted from the source document. |