• Air Wars: Television Advertising in Election Campaigns 1952-1996, Second Edition, Darrell M. West 
• Congress Under Fire: Reform Politics and the Republican Majority,C. Lawrence Evans and Walter J. Oleszek 
• The Decline of Representative Democracy: Process, Participation, and Power in State Legislatures, Alan Rosenthal
• God at the Grass Roots, 1996: The Christian Right in the 1996 Elections, Mark J. Rozell and Clyde Wilcox, editors 
• A History of the United States Senate Republican Policy Committee, 1947-1997, Donald A. Ritchie 
• The Interest Group Connection: Electioneering, Lobbying, and Policymaking in Washington, Paul S. Hernson, Ronald G. Shaiko and Clyde Wilcox, editors 
• Learning to Govern: An Institutional View of the 104th Congress, Richard F. Fenno, Jr. 
• Making and Breaking Governments: Cabinets and Legislatures in Parliamentary Democracies, Michael Laver and Kenneth A. Shepsle 
• Minority Rights, Majority Rule: Partisanship and the Development of Congress, Sarah A. Binder 
• Parliamentary Politics in Revolutionary Iran: The Institutionalization of Factional Politics, Bahman Baktiari 
• Reconciliation and Revival: James R. Mann and the House Republicans in the Wilson Era, Herbert F. Margulies 
• Rites of Passage: Congress Makes Laws, Robert E. Dewhirst 

If money is the mother's milk of politics, television advertising is the healthy baby it produces. Candidates for public office use money to create and air television ads, which in turn build name recognition, promote their issues, and attack their opponents. Air Wars: Television Advertising in Election Campaigns 1952-1996, second edition, is Darrell M. West's updated look at the influence that television ads have in the American electoral process. 

West synthesizes a wide range of literature and original analyses of polling data into an interesting and readable volume. He explains in detail the strategies used in the design and implementation of television advertising campaigns and the effects such ads have on the American electoral process. Readers of West's first edition will note that several sections have been expanded and improved. The addition of a section on the role of the Internet in the 1996 presidential election campaign rounds out his earlier edition's examination of the role of television advertising in the agenda-setting, learning, and voting phases of election campaigns. 

Unfortunately for congressional scholars, West focuses primarily on modern presidential elections, although he does provide several examples from congressional elections throughout the text. Congressional scholars interested in the general effects of television advertising in election campaigns will find his final chapter, "Advertising and Democratic Elections," quite useful, however. In this last chapter, West ties together several issues related to media-centered elections, including the weakness of federal regulations, the new technologies that provide candidates "great incentives" to attempt to manipulate the public through advertising, and the way in which television campaigns undermine the integrity of the American electoral system. 

West's book raises many questions about the future of election campaigns in an era of expanding communications technologies, and it provides solid answers as well. 

Lauren M. Cohen, Carl Albert Fellow 
Ph.D. student, University of Oklahoma 

BACK TO TOP 

The 1994 midterm elections did more than mark an end to four decades of Democratic House rule. The reform-minded Republican majorities of the 104th Congress instituted a broad array of internal changes. In Congress Under Fire: Reform Politics and the Republican Majority, authors Lawrence Evans and Walter Oleszek chronicle the development of congressional reform politics in the 1990s and discuss the implications that such changes bring to congressional policymaking. 

Several research questions anchor the book. What factors shaped the congressional reform agenda of the 1990s? Why did the previous Democratic congresses not initiate such reforms? And, what are the nature and consequences of the changes made by the Republican majority? To address those questions, Evans and Oleszek offer a theoretical framework of five possible rationales for institutional change in Congress. These rationales include clientele demands, partisanship, institutional needs, personal power agendas, and public opinion. Capitalizing on their roles as congressional staffers, the authors use participant observation to test these rationales as explanations of congressional reforms. 

To explain the rise of congressional reform politics, Evans and Oleszek find that the rationales of public opinion and personal power agendas serve as the best explanatory factors. Explanations for why Democratic majorities failed to institute reforms include partisan differences that served to undermine reform consensus, as well as an absence of congruence between clientele, institutional, and personal power interests. Finally, partisan factors hold the most explanatory power in understanding the causes and content of reforms that were passed once the Republicans took power. The authors conclude that, although some Republican reforms (such as those addressing congressional integrity) have merit, many of the changes have served to decrease the quality of the legislative process. 

Evans and Oleszek succeed in providing a chronological description of events relating to the latest congressional reforms. They also offer an interesting interpretation of politics derived from their theoretical framework. 

Charles M. Korb, Ph.D. student 
University of Oklahoma 

The Decline of Representative Democracy is Alan Rosenthal's examination of the current status of state legislatures. While the book is neither an update nor a revision of his classic Legislative Life, readers will find many similarities between the two books. The thesis of The Decline of Representative Democracy is that state legislatures, as democratic institutions, are being challenged by movements desiring even greater democracy. 

Some readers may have difficulty accepting the book's status as a textbook, considering the provocative argument Rosenthal weaves throughout. But the author also discusses theories of representation, traces the development of state legislatures, and reveals the changing norms of legislative bodies in the American states. The legislative process is examined with due consideration of the roles played by parties, interest groups, and the other branches of state government. An enlightening chapter analyzes the changing nature of legislative leadership in this era of declining "representative democracy" and the increasing use of "direct democracy." In the concluding chapter, Rosenthal returns to democratic theories to explain the "democratic challenges" faced by state legislatures. 

In his preface, Rosenthal notes that his book will provide a useful overview of state legislatures for practitioners and students. He succeeds in offering readers a systematic analysis that goes light on the "science." This book would, of course, serve as an excellent textbook for state government courses; however, it also should appeal to students of the U.S. Congress who seek comparisons with that legislative body. 

John David Rausch, Jr. 
Assistant Professor 
Fairmont State College 

The editors of this book have brought together fourteen state case studies to assess the strength of the Christian Right in American elections. Christian conservatives were strongest in South Carolina and Texas, while they were weakest in Kansas and Minnesota. Neither Maine nor West Virginia has a strong Christian conservative presence in state politics. Christian conservatives had varying degrees of success in the remaining eight states. The strength or weakness of the Christian Right was based upon the degree of consolidation (versus confrontation) that existed between the movement and the Republican Party in each state. Consolidation occurs when Christian conservatives actually merge with the GOP in their state, while confrontation results when Christian activists face strong opposition from traditional Republicans. 

Two themes emerge from an examination of the case studies. First, although Christian conservatives were of vital importance to the Republicans in retaining control of Congress in 1996, the movement was less powerful than it had been in the 1994 elections. One indicator of this was that the Christian Right was unable to dictate the GOP presidential nominee. Though a social conservative, Dole based his campaign primarily on economic issues, not social ones. Second, while Christian conservatives were a crucial factor in the Republican takeover of Congress in 1994 and the GOP's retention of control in 1996, issues championed by the Christian Right have not been overwhelmingly supported by Republican congressional members. The book infers that GOP members of Congress are more concerned with economic issues than social ones. 

The authors speculate that the Christian Right may split into factions in the future--moral purists who resist compromise versus Christian pragmatists more willing to compromise to win elections. The book concludes by arguing that the "purists" may eventually abandon the GOP in favor of a third party or independent presidential candidates. The pragmatists are more likely to continue support for the Republican Party. This book is well-written and compelling for scholars of the Christian Right, American elections, and Congress. 

Scott E. Buchanan, Ph.D. student 
University of Oklahoma 

The policy committees in the United States Senate were created by the First Supplemental Appropriation Act of 1947 and, in honor of fifty years of existence, the Republican Policy Committee commissioned the writing of its history. This book, compiled by the associate historian of the U.S. Senate Historical Office with the concurrence of the U.S. Senate Republican Policy Committee, focuses on the role of the committee within the Senate and how it has changed over time. Beginning with the Republican Policy Committee's formation, which was spurred by the lament that there was no unity of command in Congress, Ritchie's work takes the reader down a chronological path that documents the evolution of this committee and, in a way, the Senate itself. 

Over the fifty years since the creation of the Republican Policy Committee, the Republican Party has gained, lost, and regained majority status in the Senate. This book details methods the Republican Policy Committee leaders and staff have used to keep Republican Senators together during times in the minority, to set the legislative agenda when the party was in the majority, and to balance the needs of the Party with concerns of individual Republican members throughout. It examines the importance of individuals, conflicts within the party, relationships with presidents, and the legislative and organizational impacts of the Republican Policy Committee. 

The book offers insight into the complexity of the organization and of relationships in the U.S. Senate. Photographs from different periods combine with excerpts from meeting minutes to offer a look inside one of the tools that Republican Senators have at their command to shape legislation--the Republican Policy Committee. 

The full text of this book is available on the Web: http://www.access.gpo.gov/congress/senate/repub policy 

Paula Owsley Long, Ph.D. student 
University of Oklahoma 

The Interest Group Connection examines the role of interest groups in the American political system in the 1990s. This compilation of chapters by twenty-eight scholars and practitioners systematically explores the institutional arenas upon which interest groups have exerted influence and strives to determine whether lobbying has been altered as a result of changes in the nation's political climate. 

The book is divided into six parts to demonstrate interest group influence. The first section provides an introduction to the ways organized interests connect with policymakers. Sections two through five describe the role interest groups play in four institutional settings: the electoral arena, the congressional arena, the executive arena, and the judicial arena. In the electoral arena, interest groups are instrumental at both the presidential and congressional levels. Here we see the ways in which interest groups contribute to campaigns and how PAC contributions changed after the 1994 midterm elections. 

The nature of the congressional arena lends itself to lobbying, and the next section demonstrates that interest groups effectively influence Congress despite institutional changes and new regulations that attempt to limit access. The president's role as chief lobbyist is considered in the section examining the executive arena. Also treated is the part played by interest groups in rule-making and foreign policy formulation. Finally, contributors show how the judicial arena has been permeated by interest group involvement. 

The editors conclude that interest groups have adapted to changes in the political environment by altering their tactics; thus, they remain active in all arenas. The Interest Group Connection offers fresh insight into interest group resilience in a hostile political environment. Thus, while reforms might limit interest group access, the book suggests that groups will discover creative ways to overcome barriers. 

Lesli E. McCollum, Carl Albert Fellow 
Ph.D. student, University of Oklahoma 

In this brief essay (the book consists of only fifty-five pages of text), Richard Fenno addresses the question: "What effect did twenty consecutive Democratic Congresses have on the activity of the first Republican Congress that followed?" In the lucid and compelling manner we have come to expect from him, Fenno argues that four decades of Democratic control of the House produced a Republican party in 1994 that lacked first-hand experience in interpreting electoral victories and in governing as a majority party. This inexperience, combined with a combative political style and an over-interpretation of the "Contract with America," led House Republicans to make serious governing mistakes that ultimately allowed President Clinton to rebuild his political foundation in 1995 and win reelection in 1996. 

In the end, Fenno concludes that long-term control of the Congress by one party is not good for the House as an institution, because it diminishes the out-party's capacity to smoothly make the transition to majority party status and to govern effectively when the opportunity finally comes. In fact, it is Fenno's institutional focus that sets his analysis of the 104th Congress apart from other more personality-focused examinations. Although brief, this book offers important insights about the relationship between minority and majority parties in the House and the connection between electoral politics and governing. 

Jonathan Mott, Visiting Instructor 
University of Oklahoma 

Making and Breaking Governments seeks to explore systematically the complicated nature of building and maintaining a government in parliamentary democracy. The authors' goal is to arrive at general statements about the politics of parliamentary governing by exploring the competitive relationship between executive and legislative actors. The ultimate product is a theoretical and statistical model that explains how parliamentary governments are born, live and die. 

Laver and Shepsle base their model of government formation on several assumptions, including the centrality of policy to parliamentary politics and government formation, and the supremacy of the executive in key policy decisions. Their model recognizes three commonalities that exist across parliamentary democracies: a set of legislative parties; a set of governmental departments; and a particular process in which governments form. While other models have focused on specific disparate features, their model attempts to encompass all relevant phenomena, including the following components: policy-motivated parties; a lattice of feasible governments; a status quo government; a sequential replacement process for the status quo government; common knowledge allowing actors to operate with rational foresight; and no exogenous enforcement of deals between parties. The model yields a differentiation between very strong and merely strong parliamentary parties. It shows that strong parties can dominate the process of government formation, guaranteeing themselves a place in the new cabinet. Such a finding explains the varying role of parties in the birth, life, or death of parliamentary governments. 

The implications of Making and Breaking Governments stem from the study's broad net, covering virtually all themes central to parliamentary democracies, including cabinet stability, intraparty politics, minority cabinets, administrative reform, legislative-executive relations, departmentalism, and centripetal policy tendencies. Laver and Shepsle creatively combine the components of political theory with vigorous multivariate statistical analysis, case studies of Germany and Ireland, and simulation experiments to differentiate between cabinet and legislative governing responsibilities. They conclude that parliamentary democracy is not legislative rule but argue instead that an intricate balance between executive and legislative actors best explains complex parliamentary systems. 

Craig A. Williams, Carl Albert Fellow 
Ph.D. student, University of Oklahoma 

Sarah Binder uses both quantitative and qualitative methods to chronicle the development of minority party rights in Congress. After a meticulous analysis of early Congresses with many fruitful examples, Binder applies her arguments to the current Republican Congress. 

Binder characterizes minority rights in three ways: individual, political and partisan. These characterizations are used to explain the origin and development of rules, and to analyze their consequences in both chambers. Over the years, representatives made choices about rules and procedures not based on concerns for the operation of the institution or efficiency, but rather for partisan advantage. Members have always had policy preferences, and it makes sense that rules would be adopted to achieve their goals. Binder is careful to note, however, that institutional context has also contributed to the evolution of minority rights. The commonly noted differences between the two chambers are highlighted as well. For example, the partisan battles and inherited rules that created powerful majorities in the House have not had the same effect in the Senate, where minorities often prevailed. 

Overall, the struggle for rights is a constant battle between the majority and the minority. If the majority party feels threatened, attempts will be made to limit minority party rights. In addition, if the minority party is relatively strong and can obstruct the majority through existing rules, minority rights can be strengthened. Binder's use of history makes the development of minority party rights come alive. Her conclusion is that it is important to understand both institutional aspects and partisan/policy preferences if one is to comprehend the complexities of Congress. 

Alison Dana Howard, graduate student 
University of Oklahoma 

This book is a valuable contribution to our understanding of the Iranian system. The author examines the influence of the Iranian parliament--the majles--in foreign and domestic policy, and he outlines the crucial role the parliament has played in managing and reducing tensions among the various factions. 

In the first chapter, Baktiari sets the stage by examining the evolution of the majles in pre-revolutionary Iran. He provides the reader with important background information and argues that the experiences in the pre-revolutionary period had a significant impact on the modern Iranian parliament. For instance, the formation of a "national consultative assembly" was a reaction to the growing feeling that Iran was increasingly dominated by the West, a fear that remains to this day. Unfortunately, the author occasionally fails to draw upon this background information and to relate events in modern Iran to the experiences of the pre-revolutionary period. 

Baktiari then examines the role of the majles in the Islamic Republic. In drafting the constitution, the parliament attempted to eliminate the vestiges of the old regime and ensure the independence of the institution. Nonetheless, a powerful role was granted to the Council of Guardians and the Supreme Leader. Baktiari argues that, rather than using his authority to make the role of the majles a formality, Khomeini determined what was tolerable in the Islamic republic and intervened only when conflict between the various factions became too pronounced. Following the death of Khomeini in 1989, significant changes occurred in Iran. Ali Khamene'i was named Supreme Leader but lacked the respect that Khomeini enjoyed. Factional conflict thus became more pronounced. In addition, the moderate faction used the provisions of the electoral law to largely exclude the radical faction from parliament. It thus remains to be seen whether the majles will continue to serve the important function of alleviating factional conflict. 

Hans Seidenstucker, Carl Albert Undergraduate Fellow 
University of Oklahoma 

When faced with a popular progressive reform movement, the conservative position of moderation is difficult to articulate convincingly. The 1909-1919 Republican effort to do just that is superbly chronicled in Reconciliation and Revival. Suffering from deep internal divisions and coming off Taft's disastrous 1912 defeat, the Republican minority looked for leadership in Congressman James R. Mann of Illinois. His careful stewardship restored not only Republican unity, but ultimately Republican dominance of national politics. 

Margulies describes the delicate political situation Mann faced. The progressive movement was alive and well, thanks in large measure to Theodore Roosevelt's third-party run for president in 1912. Meanwhile, Democrats controlled the House and Senate, and eagerly pursued Wilson's reform agenda. Mann, therefore, confined his efforts in the 62nd and 63rd Congresses to achieving "some measure of damage control," in order that Republican voters would have a place to come back to whenever the party regained its footing. He sought first to mend internal strife by making the party home to insurgent Republican progressives as well as stalwart conservatives. Second, Mann sought to lay the foundations for an assault on the Democratic majority as he deftly outmaneuvered them on the floor, pointed out to voters "the proverbial inefficiency of the Democrats," and promoted the reasonableness of support for business. 

Mann's greatness of character and legislative accomplishments won him admiration from both sides of the aisle. Margulies asserts that, during this period, Mann stood out among Republicans because "his contribution was unmatched by any other representative or senator and was far greater than that of the defeated presidential candidates, Taft or Hughes." 

If Margulies is right in his further assertion that political historians have given too little attention to the House, especially its minority members, this lavishly documented treatise (including reviews of 33 manuscript collections) will help remedy those previous oversights. 

Jerry Herbel, Ph.D. student 
University of Oklahoma 

Robert E. Dewhirst offers instructors of American Government an excellent pedagogical tool in Rites of Passage. Dewhirst recognizes that the most effective way for students to become familiar with Congress and the way Congress functions is to examine concrete examples of bills as they go through the legislative process. Case studies of seven recent pieces of successful legislation, all within the Clinton administration, are examined in a concise, straightforward manner. Dewhirst assumes little beforehand knowledge on the part of the reader. While simple definitions are included throughout the book, more advanced readers will still be challenged. For example, the term "incumbent" is defined, but so is "cloture vote." 

The first four bills (family and medical leave, deficit reduction, NAFTA, and the crime bill) are from the 103rd Congress, and are important because this period is a deviation from our normal incidence of divided government. The remaining pieces of legislation, unfunded mandates and two appropriations bills, are from the 104th Congress, where Republicans are in control and divided government returns. Each piece of legislation is examined for its unique attributes. The family and medical leave bill exemplifies the protracted struggle that often accompanies legislation. Conversely, unfunded mandate legislation virtually breezes through the process. Both partisan and bipartisan efforts are represented. So is the case of NAFTA, where an unusual coalition is at work. Throughout the book, the reader is witness to the intricate workings of committees and procedural matters in Congress. 

Rites of Passage focuses on successful congressional actions, not failed ones. In reality, legislation fails more often than not and, therefore, readers may come away with an unbalanced view of congressional actions. Dewhirst, however, has selected some important bills that exemplify what happens when the legislative process is successful. 

Donna R. Hoffman, Ph.D. student 
University of Oklahoma