Against
Long Odds: Citizens who Challenge Congressional Incumbents. James
L. Merriner and Thomas P. Senter. Praeger, 1999. ISBN 0275966429, $35.00,
paper, 216 pages.
Merriner, a former
journalist, and Senter, a physician, have put together a collection
of fourteen case studies that detail the personal experiences of ordinary
citizens who run against incumbents in both the House and the Senate
in the decade of the 1990s. They document how "incumbents win through
intimidation of their challengers' supporters, an institutionalized
near-monopoly on money, local media and other establishment resources,
and outright dirty tricks" (p.xxii).
The case studies encompass
a wide range of challengers. The authors draw upon interviews with the
challengers and people active in their elections. Most, but not all,
are those with little political experience. Two profiled races drew
former representatives in challenges to an incumbent, one successful
and one not. Both primary and general election races are represented
in the case studies, as are Democratic and Republican challengers. In
two instances, the profiled challenger actually defeats the incumbent.
In their closing chapter,
the authors sum up the lessons to be gleaned from their case studies:
money generally determines the outcome of races and incumbents have
many institutional advantages. The authors conclude with a call for
reform, specifically a constitutional amendment requiring term limits
for members of Congress. This argument is based on their evidence that
would-be citizen legislators are being denied their rights to elections
that are free and open because of the advantages accorded to incumbents.
Donna R. Hoffman
Ph.D. Candidate
University of Oklahoma
Conflict
Amid Consensus in American Trade Policy. Martha L. Gibson. Georgetown
University Press, 2000. ISBN: 0878407944, $17.95, paper, 224 pages.
One of the paradoxes
of American trade policy has been that, for decades, a consensus has
existed in Congress that free trade is in American interests. However,
there has also been strong opposition to free trade policies in both
dominant parties. While there have been a number of theories posited
to account for this paradox, Gibson believes nested games theory, with
its synthesis of rational choice and institutional contextual variables,
best explains why congressional actors accede to the idea of free trade,
yet often propose and vote for more protection-oriented policies. While
members' actions may appear irrational from a unidimensional perspective,
placed in the context of multiple dimensions, they suddenly take on
a whole new logic.
In the case of trade
policy, two dimensions are of great importance: competitive electoral
politics and the institutional context of Congress itself. A number
of variables are at work here: the degree of separation between parties'
base constituencies on the issue of trade, the demand for protection
from various constituencies, and the degree of centralization of power
in the House. Gibson creates a matrix model that analyzes interactions
between variables along the two dimensions, and a fascinating set of
propositions are the result. These are then placed in detailed historical
context, revealing that indeed, the balance between free trade and protection
does seem to fit the pattern she describes. Interestingly enough, the
configuration of variables conducive to bipartisan trade exists only
in the 1960s and early 1970s. Far from consensus being the norm, as
is commonly thought, Gibson argues convincingly that this period is
an anomaly. Conflict is the much more likely outcome.
This work is useful,
both as institutional ethnography and an insightful contribution to
the theoretical analysis of American policy-making in general. Given
the contentious quality of the debates over NAFTA, U.S. membership in
the WTO, and the ongoing trade conflicts between the U.S. and its trade
partners (the EU in particular), this volume is quite timely in its
focus.
Mark D. Gismondi
Visiting Assistant Professor of Political
Science
University of Oklahoma
Congress
at the Grassroots: Representational Change in the South, 1970-1998.
Richard F. Fenno, Jr. University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill,
2000. ISBN 0807848557, $16.95, paper, 170 pages.
The latest work from
Richard Fenno, one of the foremost scholars in congressional representational
style, is a valuable addition to his extensive body of work and the
literature as a whole.
In this text, Fenno
builds upon his theories of district style and fit and provides a superb
case study of the Second Congressional District of Georgia. The district
has changed during this time period from one that was rural, homogeneous,
and Democratic to one that is more suburban, heterogeneous, and Republican
leaning. The maps and tables are very helpful and acquaint the reader
with the district and the Representatives discussed in the text.
Fenno examines the representational
styles of Jack Flynt and Mac Collins and the evolutionary changes in
this district. He surmises that the representational style of these
two politicians mirrors the changes in the district and, indeed, across
the south. Flynt, who represented the district from 1954 to 1978, was
a "down-home" politician who thrived off his friends' and neighbors'
political support and cultivated personal relationships with his mostly
rural constituency. Collins, who has represented the district since
1992, is a local businessman, who utilizes a representational style
based upon policy issues, which well serves his suburban and more Republican
constituency. Fenno concludes that as the district changes, the type
of representation the district requires also changes.
This book is a significant
addition to our body of knowledge regarding the representation of the
U.S. Congress and is especially useful to southern politics scholars.
Aleisha Karjala
Carl Albert Undergraduate Fellow
University of Oklahoma
Congress,
The President, and The Federal Reserve: The Politics of American Monetary
Policy-Making. Irwin L. Morris. The University of Michigan Press,
2000, ISBN 0472109952, $39.50, cloth, 165 pages.
Considered primarily
an independent body, is the Federal Reserve influenced by political
actors such as Congress and the president? If so, how is this influence
exercised, and is existing theory sufficient to paint the broader picture
of the political dynamics that exist? Or, are the institutionalist theories
more appropriate when examining monetary decision-making? These questions
are addressed by Irwin L. Morris in Congress, The President, and
The Politics of American Monetary Policy-Making.
Irwin argues that it
is a mistake to view the Federal Reserve from an apolitical perspective
as has been the case traditionally. Though previous research regarding
the Federal Reserve over the past 30 years has focused on its political
dynamics, the theories that have been posited and empirically tested
have fallen short. Thus, Irwin argues that a new theory is needed to
bridge the gaps that exist. He proposes a new theoretical framework
that combines the institutional approach and the environmental approach
in order to paint a more complete picture, resulting in the multi-institutional
theory.
This theory essentially
holds that "both the institutional relationship within which the Federal
Reserve exists and the preferences of significant actors in that environment
must be considered when attempting to theorize about the political dimensions
of monetary policy" (126). Irwin claims that no single actor, the Congress
or the president, dominates in terms of influence over the Federal Reserve.
His theory does not recognize one approach at the expense of omitting
another; rather, he utilizes previous literature as a foundation on
which to outline a more comprehensive theory.
Congress, The President,
and the Federal Reserve offers not only insight into monetary policy-making,
but also serves as an illustration of the interplay between politics
and administration. It offers the reader an opportunity to think outside
the bounds of traditional theories. The author pushes one to consider
a variety of perspectives to provide a more holistic picture of the
interaction between what was once thought to be an almost dichotomous
relationship: the Federal Reserve and the major political actors, Congress
and the president.
Edward Long
Ph.D. student in political science
University of Oklahoma
Designing
Judicial Review: Interest Groups, Congress, and Communications Policy.
Charles R. Shipan. University of Michigan Press, 2000. ISBN 0472087037,
$18.95, paper, 192 pages.
Shipan draws upon a
growing body of rational choice literature that shows that political
actors use other institutions instrumentally to achieve preferred policy
outcomes. In doing so, these political actors often attempt to constrain
the choices of future participants in the policy-making process.
In Designing Judicial
Review, Shipan adds to these insights when he argues that interest
groups and Congress will act strategically to design control mechanisms
that will influence the types of actions that can be taken later on
by the courts; thus, the design of judicial review is open to manipulation
by political influences who pay careful attention to procedure and structure.
In a process that Shipan calls front ending, interest groups and Congress
will carefully design judicial review provisions in such a way that
will enable them to receive favorable outcomes from the courts in the
future. In developing this strategy, these political actors will make
several calculations to mitigate the uncertainty of how later courts
will act. According to these calculations, these political actors will
sometimes attempt to curtail possible judicial involvement, while at
other times invite sweeping judicial intervention.
While interest groups
and Congress do indeed attempt to influence the subsequent actions taken
by the courts, as Shipan shows with his careful analysis of the development
of the Communications Act of 1934, the question as to whether these
endeavors actually impact court decisions is inconclusive. As Shipan
admits, a more thorough examination of the relationship between these
institutions may be in order.
For students of American
politics, Shipan's book illustrates that institutions do not operate
cut off and segregated from one another. Political decisions are not
made in a vacuum; therefore, political actors will act strategically,
taking into account how other institutions will react, in the policy-making
process.
Ben Arnold
Ph.D. student in political science
University of Oklahoma
Elections
to Open Seats in the U.S. House: Where the Action Is. Ronald Keith
Gaddie and Charles S. Bullock, III. Rowman & Littlefield, 2000. ISBN
0742508617, $26.95, paper, 239 pages.
The literature on congressional
elections has largely focused on contests involving incumbents. Gaddie
and Bullock seek to illuminate the dynamics of open seat races to the
U.S. House. Using extensive quantitative data since 1982 along with
case studies, the authors investigate these uniquely competitive races.
Although these contests are more competitive than the alternative, they
are not as competitive as may commonly be assumed. During the period
under study a little more than one-third of the open seats were won
by narrow margins (15, 170).
Why are open seats important?
First, most new members enter the House through this type of election.
In addition, open seat contests are the generators of partisan change
in the institution. Finally, they give a less distorted picture of the
national partisan landscape than do races dominated by incumbents. Throughout
their analysis, the authors focus on distinctions between the South
and the non South, between candidates of the two parties, and also the
differences that the 1994 election exhibited when compared with the
1982-1992 period and with 1996 and 1998. Who wins in open seat elections
is affected by candidate characteristics, partisan mood of the district,
the characteristics of the district's constituents, and spending by
candidates. In the end, money and prior political experience largely
determine success.
Gaddie and Bullock establish
the differences between open seat races and races where there is an
incumbent. They examine how candidates emerge and the role that money
plays. Special attention is given to the behavior of corporate, trade,
and labor PACs. One chapter is devoted to women's experience with open
seats, and another is dedicated to special elections. A final chapter
is devoted to judging 1994 as an anomalous election regarding open seat
outcomes and looking toward the future, where a model is presented for
predicting the outcomes of open seat elections in 2000.
Donna R. Hoffman
Ph.D. Candidate
University of Oklahoma
Legislative
Entrepreneurship in the U.S. House of Representatives.
Gregory Wawro. The University of Michigan Press, 2000. ISBN 0472111531,
$39.95, cloth.
Wawro examines a special
breed of entrepreneurs in Congress who take on the task of building
and maintaining legislative coalitions in the institution. The examination
of the origins and consequences of this kind of extraordinary legislative
behavior, sheds light on member goals, relationships, and behavior fundamental
to the success of the institution.
Focusing on the opportunity-rich
environment of the House for each member of the 94th through
the 103rd Congresses, Wawro employs a broad rigorous empirical
approach derived from rational choice theories to study the ambitions
behind members who behave extraordinarily and the consequences of their
behavior. He defines legislative entrepreneurship as a set of activities,
combining various legislative inputs and issues, that a legislator engages
in to form coalitions of other members for the purpose of passing legislation.
Accordingly, such legislative entrepreneurs are aggressive in four activities:
acquiring information, bill drafting, coalition building, and pushing
legislation.
Having identified entrepreneurs,
Wawro searches for the incentive for their behavior. He examines the
relationship between entrepreneurial activity and the reelection imperative
and finds that such activity does not directly help members at the polls,
and he also finds there is no relationship between entrepreneurial activity
and PAC contributions. Having removed these outside incentives for extraordinary
activity, Wawro looks within the institution to discover a positive
statistical relationship between members of the major party who engage
in entrepreneurship and their career advancement within the House. He
concludes that members become energized actors within the chamber in
order to pursue leadership positions. Unable yet to employ a similarly
broad quantitative approach for the Republican 104th and
105th Congresses, Wawro instead employs a more qualitative
approach to find some support that entrepreneurship is tied to career
advancement for the Republicans as well.
While Wawro ultimately
argues that members pursue legislative entrepreneurship for simple advancement
in House position, this rational choice conclusion seems to sidestep
other possible explanations, which might include members' genuine concern
for public policy outputs, public service, and comity within the institution
without much regard for career advancement. Legislative Entrepreneurship
in the U.S. House of Representatives extends our understanding of
members ambitions, incentives, and behavior within the House and returns
our attention to the critical actors who behave extraordinarily to make
the House of Representatives run.
Craig Williams
Ph. D. Candidate
Carl Albert Fellow
University of Oklahoma
Mike Mansfield,
Majority Leader: A Different Kind of Senate. Francis R. Valeo.
M. E. Sharpe, 1999. ISBN 0765604507, $34.95, cloth, 296 pages.
This book is a highly
insightful insider's look into the world of the U.S. Senate during a
very tumultuous and transitional time. The author, Frank Valeo, served
on Mike Mansfield's staff in the early sixties and then was elected
as secretary of the Senate. His personal and professional relationship
with the majority leader makes this biography a valuable asset to students
of the inner-workings of Congress and to political historians of the
sixties and seventies.
By telling the story
through the perspective of Mansfield during the time he served as Senate
majority leader, the reader is given a first-hand glance at the senator's
role in the events of the sixties and seventies and how his influence
was crucial in shaping the legislation that was produced. As the deliberative,
more cautious body, the Senate was the appropriate venue for Mansfield's
leadership style to manifest itself. Showing a strong contrast with
the style of the previous majority leader, Lyndon B. Johnson, Valeo
demonstrates that Mansfield's personality and manner of executing his
job appropriately fit the design and function of the Senate.
The true value of this
book lies neither in its academic quality nor in its objectivity - Valeo
clearly has a very positive, and rarely critical, assessment of Mansfield
- but in its point of view. The author witnessed all the events he reports
in the book and offers a unique insight to what was going on inside
the beltway during such monumental events as the Great Society legislation
of the Johnson administration, the role of the United States in Vietnam,
and President Nixon's initiation of amiable relations with China. This
book would be a valuable supplement to a study of the Senate and the
period described.
Lynsey Morris
Carl Albert Fellow
University of Oklahoma
National
Insecurity: U.S. Intelligence After the Cold War. Craig Eisendrath.
Temple University Press, 2000. ISBN 1566398487, $21.95, paper, 241 pages.
During the Cold War
era, the U.S. intelligence community justified its existence by containing
Soviet expansion. Now that the Cold War has ended, extensive reevaluation
of the role of U.S. intelligence is being conducted. National Insecurity:
U.S. Intelligence After the Cold War, a project of the Center for
International Policy, contains a collection of essays written by ten
foreign policy experts who have advanced recommendations regarding the
current mission and purpose of U.S. intelligence. The central question
raised in the book is the following: In the post-Cold War world, what
kind of intelligence system is essential for our security and appropriate
to our democratic society?
The authors draw their
experiences from diverse backgrounds, but they agree that the current
intelligence system is designed for the Cold War world. While intelligence
is still important, they argue that systematic reforms are necessary
to reduce intelligence scandal and failure. More specifically, they
raise the controversial topic of balancing secrecy with openness and
ask whether espionage and covert actions associated with the Cold War
intelligence system remain justifiable.
The authors conclude
with recommendations to reform the intelligence community by increasing
reliance on open sources, encouraging further involvement by Congress
in their oversight function, upholding privacy rights, reducing secrecy,
and decreasing levels of expenditures. They envision an intelligence
system more appropriate to an open, democratic society and contend that
in the post-Cold War world the option of espionage should be limited
and covert action should be regarded as a weapon of last resort.
National Insecurity
provides an excellent contribution to the literature on intelligence
reform. Moreover, it raises a moral dimension of statecraft operating
in a democratic society and whether the current intelligence apparatus
is compatible with such democratic principles.
Angela Rogers
Ph.D. Candidate
University of Oklahoma
Nine
and Counting: The Women of the Senate. Barbara Mikulski, Kay Bailey
Hutchison, Dianne Feinstein, Barbara Boxer, Patty Murray, Olympia Snowe,
Susan Collins, Mary Landrieu, Blanche Lincoln, and Catherine Whitney.
William Morris and Co., 2000. ISBN 0060197676, $25.00, cloth, 238 pages.
Biographical
Dictionary of Congressional Women. Karen Foerstel. Greenwood Publishing
Group, 1999. ISBN 0313302901, $65.00, cloth, 320 pages.
Two new books on women
in the U.S. Congress offer scholars interesting details and rich narratives
about the personal and political struggles of women serving in the nation's
legislature. While neither book breaks new ground nor offers important
theoretical insights, both are likely to be valued additions to a congressional
scholar's bookshelf.
Nine and Counting:
The Women of the Senate is jointly authored by all of the women
serving in the U.S. Senate as of 2000. The book weaves together first-person
narratives and a text by Catherine Whitney of the various experiences,
challenges, and triumphs of these members. The book retells the many
sexist slights they encountered, e.g., the closed doors of law firms
that Kay Bailey Hutchison encountered after graduating from the University
of Texas School of Law, or the criticism of maternal neglect heaped
on Blanche Lincoln and Mary Landrieu who have raised small children
while serving in the Senate. The book also offers tales of triumph over
personal tragedy, e.g., Olympia Snowe who grew up as an orphan, was
widowed as a young woman, and later lost a stepson who at the age 20
to an undetected heart problem, and Dianne Feinstein who became acting
mayor of San Francisco in the wake of the assassination of two city
officials. Their policy initiatives are recounted, e.g. Patty Murray's
work on education reform, and Susan Collins' efforts to promote consumer
protection against deceptive mail fraud. The book also recalls the ups
and downs of political victories and defeats, e.g. Barbara Boxer's confession
of feeling "shredded" by her first electoral loss. Perhaps most importantly,
the book offers examples of these women trying to forge a different
style of politics, e.g. Barbara Mikulski's efforts to reach out to her
newly elected female colleagues in both parties. Through bipartisan
efforts among the women, they advance breast cancer research and treatment
as well as a host of other issues.
The book at first blush
may sound like the typical political memoir, but its purpose is quite
different. With all proceeds from the book being donated to the Girl
Scout Organization, the intent is clearly to inspire future generations
of young women to consider the pursuit of politics with all of its trials
and rewards. That goal transforms the last chapter of "lessons learned"
from what might otherwise be trite homilies into a call to arms. Appropriately
so, the book ends with the words of Rebecca Latimer Felton, the first
woman ever to serve in the U.S. Senate: "There's work to be done, and
we need you to do it."
Karen Foerstel's Biographical
Dictionary of Congressional Women is an invaluable compendium of
biographical information on the 200 women who have served in the U.S.
Congress. Again, much of the material is not new, but by bringing together
both the oft-told as well as the little-known biographical details,
Foerstel has provided a valuable service. The book includes the number
of women in each Congress as well as lists of women who have chaired
full committees of either chamber. In addition, the book has a selected
bibliography of books written by and about women in Congress. Foerstel
has produced a valuable reference guide for both scholars of women in
politics and of Congress.
Cindy Simon Rosenthal
Assistant Professor of Political Science
University of Oklahoma
Partners
and Rivals: Representation in the U.S. Senate Delegations. Wendy
J. Schiller. Princeton University Press, 2000. ISBN 0691048878, $17.95,
paper, 199 pages.
Sizing
Up the Senate: The Unequal Consequences of Equal Representation. Frances
E. Lee and Bruce L. Opperheimer. University of Chicago Press, 1999.
ISBN 0226470067, $17.00, 288 pages.
The passage of the
Seventeenth Amendment in 1913 to allow for the popular election of the
Senate did more than simply increase the potential for democratic representation
in the elite upper chamber. It raised doubts about the nature of our
bicameralism achieved by the Great Compromise. In Federalist 62,
Madison claims that the necessity of a more removed body that is less
subject to the ebb and flow of public opinion is necessary to check
the potential for factious influence in our primary law-making organ.
These two books highlight some of the most important questions regarding
both the ability of the Senate to actually serve its function as the
counterbalance to the House as well as the legitimacy the Senate's
representational function under the current institutional structure.
Schiller argues that
it is shortsighted to view the representational function of the Senate
as one would any other representative body. The much overlooked allotment
of two senators for each state is vital to understanding the way senators
behave. She argues that because the district is shared by two
individuals, they have to vie for media coverage in their state, campaign
resources, and constituency support. As a result, scholars of the Senate
can best understand the "home-style" of senators by examining the way
they behave as contrasted with the other senator from their state.
Regardless of whether or not the two senators belong to the same party,
they will follow different paths once they are in office.
While we might assume
that representative behavior is determined in large part by the make-up
of, and salient issues within, their constituency, Schiller finds evidence
that supports a different argument. Senators will adopt agendas that
are very different from one another, even though they represent the
same people. They will take on different issues, will have different
constituency bases, and will try to separate themselves from their colleague,
regardless of party, because they want to share as little of the state's
resources as possible with the other senator. By minimizing their points
of similarity, each can claim to constituents that he or she provides
a unique service to the public.
Lee and Oppenheimer
argue that representation in the Senate needs to be reexamined. They
take issue with the malapportionment of the Senate and assert that we
need to reconsider why we allow each state, regardless of size, to have
an equal voice in the upper chamber. They argue that, in some ways,
the Seventeenth Amendment was a mistake because it has had consequences
unforeseen to the founders on both the competitiveness of the races
and the problems initiated by campaign fund-raising. Apportionment is
not something to be dealt with lightly. The authors demonstrate how
it affects several aspects of the Senate as an institution, namely representation,
election, strategic behavior, and policymaking.
While the Senate was
designed to counterbalance the House, in many ways the Senate's ability
to be more distant and therefore reserved is challenged by the current
system of apportionment. People in small states have more access to
their senator than people from large states, when House district constituencies
are relatively equal in size. Furthermore, senators from large states
remain somewhat anonymous to most of their constituents, while citizens
from small states tend to feel a closer bond with their senator. This
allows for small-state senators to seek greater control and power within
the institution. The virtue of fair and equal representation must be
reexamined in light of the findings of Lee and Oppenheimer.
Both of these books
examine the Senate from a fresh perspective. By highlighting aspects
of the Senate that are missed by current literature, or by challenging
conventional wisdom, they both provide a fascinating turn on our understanding
of the upper chamber.
Lynsey Morris
Carl Albert Fellow
University of Oklahoma
Polarized
Politics: Congress and the President in a Partisan Era. Jon R.
Bond and Richard Fleisher. CQ Press, 2000. ISBN 1568024940, $24.95, paper,
226 pages.
Eight congressional-presidential
scholars collaborate with Jon R. Bond and Richard Fleisher in an effort
to examine the rivalry between the president and Congress during a new
era demarcated by heightened partisan conflict. These delightful essays
cover a variety of subjects such as elections, agenda setting, committee
decision making, and developments on the floor.
One theme of this book
is how polarized politics affect congressional interactions and relationships.
First, Gary Jacobson argues that congressional polarization is a reflection
of more homogenous and more dissimilar electoral coalitions. Thus, congressional
electoral coalitions reflect electorate coalitions; yet, simultaneously,
voters orient themselves in response to the alternatives presented by
the two major parties. Nonetheless, Jacobson concludes that elite polarization
is pacing mass polarization. In explaining why, John Aldrich and David
Rohde argue that congressional polarization is the consequence of "conditional
party government." The parties become more homogenous in order to provide
leaders with the power and resources to achieve the policy goals of
individual members. If the party is not homogenous, then the party becomes
fragmented and will be unable to control the floor, rules of debate
and amendment, and the timing of votes. Hence, polarization in Congress
is a byproduct of party government. Not only does intense partisanship
affect elections and voting, it affects civility. Kathleen Hall Jamieson
and Erika Falk seek to explain the brief resurgence of uncivil speech
in the first session of the 104th Congress. They identify
four possible causes: one, the change in party control; two, the Democrats'
loss of majority status; three, Republicans' adjustment to majority
status; four, increased ideological polarization of the two parties.
The second major theme
of this book is how polarized politics affect the interaction between
the president and Congress in policy formulation. George C. Edwards
III and Andrew Barrett find that, under unified government, presidential
initiatives are two-thirds more likely to be successful than congressional
initiatives. Under divided government, presidential initiatives garner
less advantages and more opposition, while congressional initiatives,
especially those of the majority party, pass at a much higher rate.
Barbara Sinclair looks at the relationship between Congress and the
president at other points in the policy process. Sinclair concludes
that partisan growth has made legislating more difficult, and explains
how and why the legislative process has changed at different stages.
The final essay, by the co-editors, finds that increased partisanship
has changed presidential support, causing the president to receive fewer
votes from his/her own party and from the opposition. Consequently,
increased partisanship has not led to a greater certainty of outcomes.
This collection of essays
corrals the major themes regarding congressional-presidential interactions
into one book, and they collectively demonstrate how partisanship plays
a crucial role in congressional-presidential relationships.
Josh Stockley
Ph.D. student in Political Science
University of Oklahoma
Race,
Redistricting, and Representation: The Unintended Consequences of Black
Majority Districts. David T. Canon. The University of Chicago
Press, 1999. ISBN 0226092712, $18.00, paper, 304 pages.
Majority-minority districts
lie intersection of many fundamental questions about representation,
equality, protection of minority rights, constitutional interpretation,
and legislative politics. While other scholars have focused principally
on one or two of these topics, David T. Canon in Race, Redistricting,
and Representation attempts to weave together an analysis of not
only electoral outcomes and legal debates but also the campaign, constituency
service, and policy consequences of majority-minority districts.
Canon's book employs
various methods to try to both understand and explain racial representation
in Congress. The scope of the research is prodigious; Canon utilizes
almost 80 elite interviews, participant observation, legal analysis,
content analysis of more than 11,000 newspaper stories of the activities
of House members in the 103rd Congress, statistical analysis
of 11 different data sets of voter attitudes, roll call voting analyses,
and analysis of cosponsorship of some 14,560 bills. The data collection
effort focuses primarily on 53 members, including all members of the
Congressional Black Caucus (CBC) and other members who represent districts
with a total black population of at least 25 percent.
In his review of normative
theory, Canon draws upon debates from minority politics and feminist
scholarship that contrast "politics of difference" against the "politics
of commonality." He adds a "balancing" approach to this continuum of
perspectives on race representation. While some political observers
see majority-minority districts as an embodiment of difference, Canon
argues and supports with rich empirical data the view that the balancing
perspective is the more common form of representation provided in those
districts.
Instead of focusing
on the "demand-side" factors of racial representation (e.g. such variables
as district demographics, racial bloc voting, and electoral system factors),
Canon proposes a "supply-side" theory of representation that focuses
on candidate emergence and candidate representational styles. Canon
argues that racial representation (and its subsequent substantive content
in terms of legislative activities) is very much the product of candidates,
campaigns, and discourse that cannot be captured solely by regression
analyses assuming district characteristics as the sole causal link.
In the end, Canon concludes
that the race of the representative matters and that black members of
Congress "do a better job of walking the racial tightrope and balancing
the distinctive needs of black voters and the general interests of all
voters, black and white alike" (244). He also acknowledges, however,
that these members produce a "balancing biracialism" more than a "color-blind
biracialism." Canon's analysis and argument contain serious implications
and research challenges for those interested in minority politics, legislative
politics, redistricting law, and representation theory.
Cindy Simon Rosenthal
Assistant Professor of Political Science
University of Oklahoma
Senates: Bicameralism
in the Contemporary World. Samuel C. Patterson and Anthony Mughan.
Ohio State University Press, 1999. ISBN 0814250106, $19.95, paper, 360
pages.
Patterson and Mughan
discuss the origins and continued existence of bicameralism in terms
of democratic theory and function. Their introductory chapter contains
a table which compares the nine bicameral case studies which are undertaken
in this book. In the table, Patterson and Mughan describe each upper
house by its governmental system, the length of each Senate's terms,
the method by which seats are selected, and the constitutional powers
of each upper house.
The first case study
pertains to the U.S. Senate, and is written by Barbara Sinclair. The
second case study is written by Werner J. Patzelt and is concerned with
the German Bundesrat. Next, John Uhr discusses the Australian Senate,
and in chapter five, C. E. S. Franks takes an in-depth look at the Canadian
Senate. Jean Mastias and Donald Shell, respectively, examine the French
Senate and the British House of Lords in chapters six and seven. The
Italian Senato, as observed by Claudio Lodici, the Spanish Senado, as
explained by Carlos Flores Juberias, and the Polish Senat, as analyzed
by David M. Olson, complete the substantive case studies. In addition
to the senate characteristics that are described in the aforementioned
table, each chapter also examines internal structure and decision-making,
party structure and leadership, and the capacity for change within senates.
These case studies provide a depth of insight from which Patterson and
Mughan are able to draw their conclusions.
Patterson and Mughan
culminate this book by placing the study of senates into a comparative
perspective. They argue that senates are an important and overlooked
institution within democratic nations. Further, they conclude that these
upper houses have significant democratic ramifications for the legislative
process in terms of redundancy and representation. This is a timely
book which underscores the importance of further senate studies.
Melody Huckaby
Carl Albert Fellow
University of Oklahoma
Term
Limits in State Legislatures. John M. Carey, Richard G. Nieni,
Lynda W. Powell. University of Michigan Press, 2000. ISBN 0472066994,
$19.95, paper, 174 pages.
The term limits movement
spread across the country like a wildfire in the early 1990s. By the
middle of the decade, the movement had cooled slightly, but state legislatures
began to feel its effects. Carey, Niemi, and Powell investigate the
effects of term limits on state legislatures using data collected from
a survey of nearly 3,000 legislators from all 50 states. The survey
data are complemented by interviews conducted with legislative leaders
in four states where term limits have kicked in. This is the first rigorous
study of the effects of term limits across several states.
The authors use a comparative
approach to gauge the effects of term limits. An examination of changes
in the composition of state legislatures, the behavior of legislators,
institutional processes and procedures, and the electoral arena form
the core of the book. Possible changes are evaluated using two dichotomies.
The first distinguishes between the states that have adopted term limits
and those that have not. The second dichotomy identifies legislators
based on when they were elected: in 1992 or before, or in 1993 and after.
The authors uncover
mixed effects of state legislative term limits. The demographic composition
of state legislatures has not changed significantly after terms limits
are adopted. The data do suggest that women may benefit from term limits,
however, but the difference between the two types of state legislatures
is very slight. Term limits have affected legislative behavior. The
authors found that term-limited state legislators appear to work for
the interest of the entire state. In terms of institutional behavior,
term limits appear to shift the power away from traditional leaders.
Finally, the data exhibit a trend of state legislators seeking other
offices.
While the obvious strength
of this book is the survey data, the personal interviews with legislative
leaders bring a clear voice to the narrative. The leaders largely agree
that term limits will lead to an increased reliance on information and
expertise from lobbyists and the state's executive branch.
John David Rausch, Jr.,
PhD
Assistant Professor
West Texas A&M University
(Former Carl Albert Fellow)
Veto
Bargaining: Presidents and the Politics of Negative Power. Charles
M. Cameron. Cambridge University Press, 2000. ISBN 0521625505, $18.95,
paper, 288 pages.
Veto Bargaining
is an excellent academic piece that examines the role of inter-branch
negotiation that occurs in the eras of divided government. Arguing against
the idea that divided government is a new occurrence, Cameron examines
the institutional consequences of divided government, such as disagreement
of policy and possible gridlock. Cameron ties examinations of presidential
vetoes, the formal structure of bills in Congress, and the policy position
of the president in the framework of interbranch negotiations. Interbranch
negotiations assume that the two branches of Congress informally negotiate
over the language of legislation in order to assure passage and prevent
gridlock.
Cameron asserts the
study of the veto should also focus on "negative power". Understood
properly, according to Cameron, the veto should be viewed as a tool
that can end legislation, as well as a tool of the president to force
concessions in the language of a bill from Congress. The negotiations
occur due to the threat of a Presidential veto. Thus, the final draft
of legislation from Congress reflects a compromise between the two institutions,
rather than a competition.
Cameron bases the work
in a rational choice perspective applied to institutions. There is an
emphasis on formal modeling and prediction. Mixed in with the data are
two case studies the author uses as examples. All data and models are
presented in a straightforward, easily understandable fashion that even
readers unfamiliar with rational choice will grasp. The two case studies
as examples of the theoretical modeling enrich Cameron's work.
With the frequency of
divided government, interbranch relations deserve attention. While many
perceive the division of government as ineffective, Cameron examines
the processes that allow for consensus and progress. This book offers
new insight and understanding both to the role of the President, as
well as the role of Congress. Cameron's book has appeal to scholars
across political science and offers new insights into governmental institutions.
Anders Ferrington
Ph. D. student in political science
University of Oklahoma
New books related to legislative studies
are generally acquired directly from the publisher for inclusion in Book
Notes. In addition, any author who wishes to have a new book featured
in Book Notes may send the request with a copy of the book to: Book Review
Editor, LSS Newsletter, Carl Albert Center, University of Oklahoma,
630 Parrington Oval, Norman, OK 73019. 2
