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Michael Bernhard, The Pennsylvania State University, mhb5@psu.edu
The changes of the last two decades have made it possible to collect new kinds of data, as well as apply theories and tools developed in the study of different kinds of polities to Eastern Europe, Eurasia, and East Asia. What have the deployment of these new tools added to the understanding of late-communist or post-communist politics? To what extent do these tools justify a break with practices of the past? How important is it to understand the impact of radically different path of these countries to modernity to understand their politics in contemporary age? If such legacies are important, how should they be integrated into the study of this set of countries today? Are the special legacies of this development pattern important enough to justify the study of this group of countries as a separate entity or should the comparative politics of communist and post-communist countries be fully integrated into a "normal" comparative politics? Finally, do the different paths out of late-communism of East European, Eurasian, and East Asian states mean that the study of communist and post-communist politics has lost coherence? We have one group of countries that are rapidly integrating into the European Union, another which wavers between attempts to create liberal-democratic capitalist modernity and neo-authoritarian non-communist statism, and a set of states that have used authoritarian party-rule as the engine of rapid capitalist development. Should this variety of states be studied as a coherent whole or as a set of states with varying trajectories out of a similar systemic starting point? At what would point would such legacies cease to matter? |