Borchert, Jens; Stolz, Klaus
“Fighting Insecurity: Political Careers and Career Politics in the Federal Republic of Germany”
Politische Vierteljahresschrift, 2003, 44, 2, June, 148-173.
Abstract: Political careers differ from other professional careers in several regards, but most significantly in the peculiar degree of insecurity they impose. This insecurity is due to the democratic accountability to voters, which includes the possibility of electoral defeat & deprofessionalization. Therefore a continuous career is rendered much more difficult than in other occupations. This calls for specific strategies of access to & staying in political positions, which may be subsumed under the rubric of "career politics." This article deals with political careers in the Federal Republic of Germany & the elements of individual career politics that may be reconstructed from these careers. The analysis is based on a dataset comprising the political biographies of all 1948 German state legislators with the date being taken from the official legislative handbooks. The features that are most interesting here are the succession & the cumulation of different political offices. Four strategies of career politics can be distinguished: a local politics, a party politics, an interest group, & a fourth strategy, that proceeds via staff positions. In analyzing these strategies the article wants to contribute to a better understanding of the relationship between political careers & career politics. 3 Tables, 1 Figure, 2 Appendixes, 43 References. Adapted from the source document.

Bottom, Willilam P; Eavey, Cheryl L; Miller, Gary J; Victor, Jennifer Nicoll
“The Institutional Effect on Majority Rule Instability: Bicameralism in Spatial Policy Decisions”
American Journal of Political Science, 2000, 44, 3, July, 523-540.
Abstract: The constitutional requirement that legislation must be approved by a majority of two chambers increases the likelihood that a core will exist, even in situations in which a core would not exist under a unicameral majority rule. Laboratory experiments were run on forty six-person groups, with constant induced preferences in a two-dimensional policy space. Groups were assigned to one of four treatments. In three treatments, members were assigned to two three-person chambers, & a majority of each chamber was required to make policy decisions. In two of these treatments, the assignment induced a bicameral core; in one it did not. The fourth, a control treatment, was a unicameral, simple majority-rule game with no core. The variance in each of the two cases with a bicameral core was significantly less than in the no-core bicameral or the unicameral treatments. In the cases with a bicameral core, the outcomes clustered closely around the predicted core outcomes. The results provide strong support for the stability-inducing properties of bicameralism & for the core as a predictor of this effect. Players received statistically greater rewards in those treatments in which their role was pivotal in achieving the core. 4 Tables, 4 Figures, 3 Appendixes, 17 References. Adapted from the source document.

Brabazon, Tara
“Whiteboard, Docs and a Boa: Edith Cowan and the Making of a Political Woman”
AQ - Journal of Contemporary Analysis, 2003, 75, 4, July-Aug, 28-34.
Abstract: Reconsiders the narrative of Edith Cowan, the first Australian woman elected into parliament in 1921, to invigorate her portrayal in a manner that has poignancy for the current political climate for women. It is noted that writers have focused on her extraordinary qualities & life, ignoring the advantages not so readily available to women today that she possessed in achieving this position. In tracing her professional pursuits, the problematic nature of the concomitant narrative that emerged is demonstrated, & it is lamented that her success in public life was not emulated by others. The demands on today's women are many, & in a context of the tabloidization of information, it is deemed important that the pioneering narrative of women overcoming adversity be supplemented by a complex, plural image of women managing failure. The trouble with Edith Cowan's narrative is that none of her suffering is reflected there. J. Zendejas.

Carey, John M; Siavelis, Peter
“Insurance for Electoral Runners Up and the Survival of Chile's Concertacion”
Estudios Publicos, 2003, 90, fall, 5-27.
Abstract: To secure legislative majorities under Chile's unique, two-member district electoral system, coalitions have to put their strongest candidates in the most precarious electoral list positions. This generates a divergence of interests between coalitions & politicians. Chile's largest coalition, the Concertacion, has resolved the dilemma by providing appointed posts to candidates who accept personal risk on the coalition's behalf & run good - but just not good enough - campaigns for Congress. We argue that this insurance system has provided glue critical to holding the coalition together since Chile's transition to democracy in 1990, & we illustrate the point with data on electoral performance & the distribution of postelectoral appointments among losing congressional candidates. We then show that recent changes in the electoral environment threaten the Concertacion's control over the pool of appointed posts used to insure such candidates against losses undertaken on behalf of the coalition. This, in turn, undermines the Concertacion's prospects to hold together throughout the contentious process of negotiating coalition candidate lists for the next legislative elections, in 2005. 8 References. Adapted from the source document.

Cunin, Elisabeth
“Ethnic Politics between Otherness and Stereotypes. Reflections on the March 2002 Elections in Colombia.”
Analisis Politico, 2003, 48, Jan-Apr, 77-93.
Abstract: The Colombian Political Constitution of 1991 has allowed the introduction of new multicultural policies aimed at African-Colombian people. The creation of two seats at the Chamber of Representatives is the clearest expression of this transition from homogeneity to differentiation. Paradoxically, while this positive discrimination is a political arena of identity recomposition, the stereotypes of African-Colombian people consolidate. Based on the analysis of 2002 election in Colombia, & the introduction of an ethnic policy, this article aims to reflect on the multiculturalism practices. 3 Tables. Adapted from the source document.

Eaton, Kent
“The Logic of Delegating Legislative Powers: The Reform of Regional Promotion in Argentina”
Desarrollo Economico, 2003, 42, 168, Jan-Mar, 499-518.
Abstract: This study evaluates the role played by the legislature in one of Argentina's most important economic reforms of recent decades: the reform of tax incentives for regional development. As implemented by the last military government, this system of tax incentives provoked sharp distributive conflicts among provinces. Although a majority of legislators favored reform after the return to democracy in 1983, interprovincial conflicts created bargaining problems that prevented the passage of reform legislation through regular channels. Pro-reform legislators decided instead to delegate reform authority to President Raul Alfonsin because he shared their interest in containing the fiscal cost of tax incentives. Subsequent uses of this delegated authority by two presidents promoted the interests of the enacting coalition that supported delegation. These findings sup port the usefulness of delegation models when carefully applied to Latin America & challenge theories that neglect the different ways that legislators shape economic reform. 3 Charts, 34 References. Adapted from the source document.

Fowler, B
“The Parliamentary Elections in Hungary, April 2002”
Electoral Studies, 2003, 22, 4, Dec, 799-807.
Abstract Discusses the results of the 7 & 21 Apr 2002 parliamentary elections in Hungary, highlighting the electoral system, party system, election campaign, & procedural issues & conflicts. 1 Table, 1 Reference.

Golosov, Grigorii V
“Electoral Systems and Party Formation in Russia. A Cross-Regional Analysis”
Comparative Political Studies, 2003, 36, 8, Oct, 912-935.
Abstract: This article draws on a comprehensive data set from the 1993-1999 Russian regional legislative elections to estimate the consequences of different plurality or majority rules, as well as their combinations with proportional representation (PR), for party formation in the country. The results of multiple regression analysis indicate that the system of single-member plurality does not support party formation. Mixed electoral systems involve PR support parties in two ways: first, mechanically, by excluding independents from party list competition, & second, as a result of contamination effects across these systems' components. Counterintuitively, the analysis reveals that the systems of multimember plurality & two-round majority tend to be relatively supportive of party formation. The article explains this phenomenon by developing a model that incorporates these systems' ability to set lower effective thresholds & to enhance the information value of party labels, thus facilitating the entry of party candidates & their electoral success. 6 Tables, 1 Appendix, 43 References. [Copyright 2003 Sage Publications, Inc.].

Helland, Leif; Saglie, Jo
“Candidate Competition and Strategic Coordination: Evidence from Four Early Norwegian Elections”
Electoral Studies, 2003, 22, 4, Dec, 581-602.
Abstract: This article investigates strategic coordination in four elections to the Norwegian Storting (1909-1918). The elections were held under a majority-plurality dual-ballot system, with unrestricted participation in the second-ballot. The focus is on elections with Conservative, Liberal, & Labour candidates as main contenders. Supported by historical & theoretical arguments, the authors assume universally sincere voting in the first-ballot. Given this assumption, second-ballot elections can be analyzed as regular plurality elections. Hypotheses about behavior are formed using the game theoretic framework of Myerson & Weber (1993). It is found that while voters follow the predictions of theory fairly closely, the extent of coordination present at the candidate level can be questioned. 3 Tables, 4 Figures, 32 References. Adapted from the source document.

Hofmann, Herwig C H
“A Critical Analysis of the New Typology of Acts in the Draft Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe”
European Integration - Online Papers http://eiop.or.at/eiop/eiop1-e.htm, 2003, 7, 9, Sept 30.
Abstract: This article describes & critically analyzes the proposed new typology of acts in the "draft treaty establishing a constitution for Europe" & its implications for the EU legal system. It comments on the categories of act on the three levels of constitutional law, legislation, & implementation. It highlights the importance of the correlation between the catalogue of fundamental rights on one hand & the definition of legislation on the other, which will reform the relation between legislative & executive powers in the Union. The article also uncovers several shortcomings in the proposed typology of acts including the problematic relation between delegated regulations & implementing regulations as well as the lack of adjustment of the proposed system of legal acts to the special nature of the EU. Adapted from the source document.

Hooghe, Marc; Noppe, Jo; Maddens, Bart
“The Effect of Electoral Reform on the Belgian Election Results of 18 May 2003”
Representation, 2003, 39, 4, 270-276.
Abstract: Assesses the outcomes of the May 2003 Belgian elections in light of electoral reforms. This is accomplished via three simulations centered on the effect of (1) imposing a threshold, (2) larger constituencies, & (3) the combination of the two. Analysis begins with the assumption that voters would not have voted differently given other election laws. Findings indicate that the electoral reforms had almost no effect on the distribution of seats in the Chamber. It is suggested that the minimal impact might be a result of the counterbalancing effect that the electoral threshold had on the larger constituencies. The simulation showing larger constituencies & no threshold revealed no change in parliamentary representation. However, simulating the small constituencies evidences the opposite; thus, any effects are attributed to the threshold. The effects of reform were likewise minimal for the Senate. It is tentatively concluded that a second-tier distribution system will be as representative as larger constituencies & that party elites are more adaptive to reform than voters. 2 Tables, 1 Figure. J. Zendejas.

Horiuchi, Yusaku; Saito, Jun
“Reapportionment and Redistribution: Consequences of Electoral Reform in Japan”
American Journal of Political Science, 2003, 47, 4, Oct, 669-682.
Abstract: Does reapportionment in a legislature affect policy outcomes? We examine this question from a comparative perspective by focusing on reapportionment associated with the electoral reform in Japan. First, we show that the reform of 1994 resulted in an unprecedented degree of equalization in legislative representation. Second, using municipal-level data, we present evidence that municipalities in overrepresented districts received significantly more subsidies per capita, as compared to those in underrepresented districts, in both pre-reform & post-reform years. Third, by examining the relationship between the change in the number of seats per capita & the change in the amount of subsidies per capita at the municipal level, we show that the equalization in voting strength resulted in an equalization of total transfers per person. 4 Tables, 1 Figure, 49 References. Adapted from the source document.

Ilonszki, Gabriella; Kostova, Dobrinka
“Why Less Can Be More for Women in Politics. The Parliamentary Representation of Women in Bulgaria and Hungary”
Osteuropa, 2003, 53, 5, May, 662-674.
Abstract: From the perspective of women's politics, Hungary is considered a comparatively successful example of domestic transformation. The Hungarian CP's successor party made it quite easy for women to enter politics. However, a comparison with Bulgaria reveals that there are at present more women members of parliament in the latter country. The main reason for this is to be found in the priorities of a new surprisingly successful conservative-traditional party (& movement). Even the future prospects for women seem better in Hungary. Here the image of women is less firmly rooted in the traditional division of labor between the sexes, & a group of professional women parliamentarians that could become the core of gender-aware politics has managed to establish itself within the stable Hungarian party system. In Bulgaria, on the other hand, the large number of women parliamentarians is combined with a high turnover of individuals, so most of them are politically inexperienced amateurs who have no power to take decisions. 5 Tables. Adapted from the source document.

King, David C; Matland, Richard E
“Sex and the Grand Old Party: An Experimental Investigation of the Effect of Candidate Sex on Support for a Republican Candidate”
American Politics Research, 2003, 31, 6, Nov, 595-612.
Abstract: We report the results of an experiment involving 820 randomly sampled adults. Half heard about a female Republican candidate for Congress. The other half learned of an otherwise identical male candidate. Democrat & Independent voters were more likely to trust, think qualified, view as a leader, & vote for the female Republican (contrasted with the male Republican). On the other hand, being female led to associations that hurt Republican women within their own party. We augment our experimental results by providing evidence that Republican women have done significantly worse than Democratic women in winning nominations in open-seat congressional districts. 4 Tables, 40 References. [Copyright 2003 Sage Publications, Inc.].

Kolodny, Robin
“The US Mid-Term Elections of 2002”
Representation, 2003, 39, 4, 277-285.
Abstract: Discusses the 2002 US midterm elections. Following a discussion of the single member plurality electoral system's laws & regulations, particularly regarding reapportionment as a result of the 2000 Census, attention turns to the nature of competition in these elections & the sorts of issues around which the campaigns were based. The significance of the Republican Party gaining seats in the House & the Senate is seen in the following: (1) They gained control of the Senate. (2) Democratic leader, Richard Gephardt stepped down & the first woman to assume the position, Nancy Pelosi, took over. (3) Results challenge the conventional wisdom that the president's party gets punished at midterm elections. Theories of midterm elections are touched on to shed further light on the implications of this outcome. 4 Tables, 12 References. J. Zendejas.

Kraatz, Susanne; Zvinkliene, Alina
“Between Super-Presidentialism and State Feminism. Women in the Parliaments of Russia and Lithuania”
Osteuropa, 2003, 53, 5, May, 647-661.
Abstract: It would appear at first glance that in the field of gender politics, Lithuania, a candidate for EU membership, has a better prospect of overcoming the joint legacy of the tsarist-Soviet eras than Russia, an endangered democracy. Nevertheless, the representation of women has developed in a strikingly similar way in the two cases. Both countries have seen a new start in gender politics at the level of civil society & of the state, but the effectiveness of this has been limited by extensive social problems, the discrediting of feminism, & the pressure on women members of parliament to conform. In addition, the party systems are only weakly institutionalized & the political spheres are becoming increasingly informalized. Short-term improvements in the situation have in each case been connected with the electoral success of a single party. This means that the prospects for, & obstacles to, women's political participation are in some respects very similar to, &, in other respects, very different from, those that can be observed in established Western democracies. The decisive factors are the political institutions & the context in which they operate. 4 Tables. Adapted from the source document.

Krause, George A
“Partisan and Ideological Sources of Fiscal Deficits in the United States”
American Journal of Political Science, 2000, 44, 3, July, 541-559.
Abstract: Past research investigating the relationship between politics of fiscal institutions & fiscal deficits has primarily focused on how different configurations of partisan control over the executive & legislative branches produce distinct policy outcomes. Such models rely on the strength of majoritarian parties in Congress & party affiliation of president, as reflected in the theory of divided party government. In this study, a simple, fluid unidimensional spatial framework based on the degree of ideological fragmentation among the President, Senate, & House is set forth to arrive at a richer understanding of fiscal policy. It is hypothesized that US fiscal deficits will rise as the degree of ideological fragmentation among these institutions increases because it is more difficult to reach compromise & reconcile conflicting preferences over fiscal policy. Using annual data from the post-war period from 1948-1995, strong consistent empirical support for this thesis exists across alternative empirical specifications that reflect different pivotal House & Senate members, institutional alignments, & measures of ideological fragmentation. These findings indicate that the degree of ideological policy divergence among political institutions, independent of divided partisan control of government, plays a notable role in explaining fiscal budget deficits in the US during the post-war period. 1 Table, 1 Figure, 1 Appendix, 69 References. Adapted from the source document.

Lee, Frances E
“Geographic Politics in the U.S. House of Representatives: Coalition Building and Distribution of Benefits”
American Journal of Political Science, 2003, 47, 4, Oct, 714-728.
Abstract: This article argues that scholars need to consider the structure of House representation to better understand distributive politics. Because House districts (unlike states) are not administrative units in the federal system, House members cannot effectively claim credit for most grant-in-aid funds. Instead, their best credit-claiming opportunities lie in earmarked projects, a small fraction of federal grant dollars. As a consequence, I expect to find: (1) political factors have a much greater effect on the distribution of earmarked projects than on federal funds generally, & (2) project grants are a better support-building tool for coalition leaders than allocations to states. I test this argument with a study of the 1998 reauthorization of surface transportation programs & find strong support for both hypotheses. 5 Tables, 56 References. Adapted from the source document.

May, Roy; Massey, Simon
“Presidential and Legislative Elections in Chad: 2001-2002”
Electoral Studies, 2003, 22, 4, Dec, 765-772.
Abstract: Examines the results of the 20 May 2001 presidential election & the 21 Apr 2002 legislative elections in Chad, emphasizing political parties. 2 Tables.

Melo, Marcus Andre
“The Politics of Regulatory Action: Accountability, Credibility and Delegation”
Revista Brasileira de Ciencias Sociais, 2001, 16, 46, June, 55-68.
Abstract: Delegation & accountability are two poles of an unsolved tension in democratic societies. Institutions that acquire a more & more important role in these societies, as regulatory agencies & central banks, need a decision-making autonomy in order to enhance their performance. However, delegation implies in a progressive democratic deficit & insufficient accountability for the leaders. The article discusses the question involving the tension between delegation & accountability that underlies the creation of independent regulatory agencies. The main arguments concerning the logic of delegation & controlling are discussed in the article. The first one refers to the role of Legislative's control (or the lack of) on independent agencies. The second one refers to the delegation of autonomy to regulatory agencies as a rational choice for rulers in a globalized economic environment aiming to bolster credibility. Such arguments are not quite convincing in the public debate. Therefore, it can be inferred that the institutional framework in contemporary democracies presents a limited capacity to promote social control & legitimacy. 4 Tables, 1 Figure, 46 References. Adapted from the source document.

Mughan, A; Bean, C; McAllister, I
“Economic Globalization, Job Insecurity and the Populist Reaction”
Electoral Studies, 2003, 22, 4, Dec, 617-633.
Abstract: A striking change in the political party systems of many established democracies in recent years has been the rise to electoral & political prominence of right-wing populist parties. Moving beyond the usual anti-statism & racism attitudinal explanatory foci, this article posits that popular support for these parties is associated with the job insecurity that populist party leaders have attributed to deepening international economic integration, or economic globalization. The conceptualization of job insecurity is discussed & its expected relationship to the mercantilism of right-wing populist parties clarified. The hypothesis is tested in the specific context of support for Pauline Hanson's One Nation Party in the 1998 election to the Australian federal House of Representatives. The article concludes with a consideration of the wider implications of its findings. 4 Tables, 35 References. Adapted from the source document.

Nureev, R
“Public Choice Theory. A Textbook. Chapter 7. Public Choice under Representative Democracy: Government and Coalitions in Parliament”
Voprosy ekonomiki, 2003, 2, Feb, 111-132.
Abstract: The specifics of public choice under representative democracy are considered in the seventh chapter of the textbook. The factors of forming of coalitions in parliament are analyzed. The methods of voting manipulation including the formulation of Arrow's impossibility theorem are described. The concept of logrolling is distinguished. The chapter also includes further readings, control tests, & questions. 7 Tables. Adapted from the source document.

Paden, Catherine; Page, Benjamin I
“Congress Invokes Public Opinion on Welfare Reform”
American Politics Research, 2003, 31, 6, Nov, 670-679.
Abstract: If democratically elected public officials respond to the policy preferences of ordinary citizens, one might expect them to make frequent, favorable references to public opinion as revealed by polls & surveys. An analysis of the 1995 congressional debates leading up to the passage of the Personal Responsibility & Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (welfare reform), however, generally corroborates the findings of Cook, Barabas, & Page concerning policy elites' discussions of Social Security. Congresspersons' references to public opinion were quite infrequent & vague. In some cases, they were significantly misleading. The implications of these findings are briefly discussed. 1 Table, 8 References. [Copyright 2003 Sage Publications, Inc.].

Pasquino, Gianfranco
“Varieties of Models of Parliamentary Government”
Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica, 2003, 33, 2, Aug, 295-315.
Abstract: This article offers a brief overview of the most important models of parliamentary government. The purpose is to explore whether according to the Constitution as well as in practice the Prime Minister has at his/her disposal the power to appoint & dismiss the Ministers & the power autonomously to dissolve parliament. Taking into consideration, among others, the cases of Germany, GB, Italy, & Sweden, it is found that, constitutionally available or not, those powers are actually exercised when the existing party coalitions & political & parliamentary majorities can afford to do so. Moreover, it is suggested that the power to dissolve Parliament is frequently implemented in order, for instance, to impose discipline on the parliamentarians or to prevent parliamentary turnovers, is contrary to the institutional logic of parliamentary government. Though in some cases unscrupulously practiced, the possibility of creating different governmental coalitions in parliament provides for political & institutional flexibility & prevents too frequent & potentially very dangerous electoral consultations. The strengthening of any parliamentary government can be obtained through intelligent "manipulations" of the electoral system & hence a restructuring of the party system & of the coalitional game. Exactly what still remains be done in the Italian political system & cannot be obtained just by strengthening the Prime Minister. 28 References. Adapted from the source document.

Paxton, Pamela; Kunovich, Sheri
“Women's Political Representation: The Importance of Ideology”
Social Forces, 2003, 82, 1, Sept, 87-114.
Abstract: Women's low rate of participation at the highest levels of politics is an enduring problem in gender stratification. Previous cross-national research on women in national legislatures has stressed three explanations for differences in women's political representation: social structure, politics, & ideology. Despite strong theory suggesting the importance of ideology, it has not found support in previous cross-national statistical studies. But ideology has not been as well measured as structural & political factors. In this article, we demonstrate that gender ideology strongly affects the number of women in national legislatures. We do so by introducing a newly available measure of national gender ideology into a cross-national model of women in legislatures. We demonstrate that ideology, when measured more precisely, strongly predicts differences in women's political representation. 2 Tables, 1 Figure, 2 Appendixes, 69 References. Adapted from the source document.

Plecita-Vlachova, Klara; Stegmaier, Mary
“The Chamber of Deputies Election, Czech Republic 2002”
Electoral Studies, 2003, 22, 4, Dec, 772-778.
Abstract: Investigates the results of the 14-15 June 2002 Chamber of Deputies election in the Czech Republic, focusing on the campaign, movement for reform, & formation of a government. 1 Table, 5 References.

Sagas, E
“Elections in the Dominican Republic, May 2002”
Electoral Studies, 2003, 22, 4, Dec, 792-798.
Abstract: Reviews the campaign & results of the 16 May 2002 congressional & mmunicipal elections in the Dominican Republic. 1 Table, 4 References.

Schuster, Karsten; Pukelsheim, Friedrich; Drton, Mathias; Draper, Norman R.
“Seat Biases of Apportionment Methods for Proportional Representation”
Electoral Studies, 2003, 22, 4, Dec, 651-676.
Abstract: In proportional representation systems, an important issue is whether a given apportionment method favors larger parties at the expense of smaller parties. For an arbitrary number of parties, ordered from largest to smallest by their vote counts, we calculate (apparently for the first time) the expected differences between the seat allocation & the ideal share of seats, separately for each party, as a function of district magnitude, with a particular emphasis on three traditional apportionment methods. These are (1) the quota method with residual fit by greatest remainders, associated with the names of Hamilton & Hare, (2) the divisor method with standard rounding (Webster, Sainte-Lague), & (3) the divisor method with rounding down (Jefferson, Hondt). For the first two methods, the seat bias of each party turns out to be practically zero, whence on average no party is advantaged or disadvantaged. On the contrary, the third method exhibits noticeable seat biases in favor of larger parties. The theoretical findings are confirmed via empirical data from the German State of Bavaria, the Swiss Canton Solothurn, & the US House of Representatives. 1 Table, 10 Figures, 1 Appendix, 27 References. Adapted from the source document.

Shipan, Charles R; Shannon, Megan L
“Delaying Justice(s): A Duration Analysis of Supreme Court Confirmations”
American Journal of Political Science, 2003, 47, 4, Oct, 654-668.
Abstract: Presidents traditionally have had great success when nominating justices to the Supreme Court, with confirmation being the norm & rejection being the rare exception. While the confirmation process usually ends with the nominee taking a seat on the Court, however, there is a great deal of variance in the amount of time it takes the Senate to act. To derive a theoretical explanation of this underlying dynamic in the confirmation process, we draw on a spatial model of presidential nominations to the Court. We then employ a hazard model to test this explanation, using data on all Supreme Court nominations & confirmations since the end of the Civil War. Our primary finding is that the duration of the confirmation process increases as the ideological distance between the president & the Senate increases. We also find evidence that suggests that the duration increases for critical nominees & chief justices & decreases for older nominees, current & previous senators, & nominees with prior experience on state & federal district courts. 3 Tables, 2 Figures, 53 References. Adapted from the source document.

Smolin, O N; Komarov, A E
“Strategies of Education: Differences in Positions of State Duma Deputee Blocs”
Sotsiologicheskie Issledovaniya, 2003, 29, 4, 107-112.
Abstract: Ratings of support of various strategies of reform of education in Russia by different deputies blocks in Russian State Duma are presented for Second (1996-1999) & Third Duma (data for 2000-2001). Among the Second Duma parties & blocs most readily supporting transformation & modernization of education are the Communist Party of Russian Federation (with 84.3% of deputies belonging to the party supporting education-related legislations), Agrarian Deputies Group (73.2%), 'People's Power' group (66.4%), Liberal Democratic Party of Russia (64.6%), 'Yabloko' (56.1%), & 'Russian Regions' group (49.6%). Ratings of support of individual legislations are provided. 4 Tables, 3 References. V. Oboronko.

Torre, Juan Carlos
“The Orphans of Party Politics. On the Scope and Nature of the Party Representation Crisis”
Desarrollo Economico, 2003, 42, 168, Jan-Mar, 647-665.
Abstract: The scope & nature of abstention & rejection of the political parties in Argentina are analyzed, citing voting trends for presidential elections between 1983 & 1995 & legislative elections for 1999 & 2001. Throughout the earlier period, the concentration of votes for the two major national parties - the Partido Justicialista & the Union Ciivica Radical - diminished, while voting for Center-Left & Center-Right parties increased. The Peronists, who are linked to their electorate, least felt the abstention problem in 2001. The party representation crisis in 2001 is an expression of the breach between the democratic expectations of the citizenry & the effective behavior of the parties, not an expression of political apathy; this crisis is particularly acute for the independent electorate of the center-left & center-right. 3 Tables, 1 Figure, 4 Charts, 21 References. M. Pflum.

Trystan, D; Scully, R; Jones, R Wyn
“Explaining the 'Quiet Earthquake': Voting Behaviour in the First Election to the National Assembly for Wales”
Electoral Studies, 2003, 22, 4, Dec, 635-650.
Abstract: This paper examines voting behavior in the inaugural election to the National Assembly for Wales (NAW), held in May 1999. We address two questions: (1) why did the election produce a 'quiet earthquake' in Welsh electoral politics, with the nationalist Plaid Cymru denying the Labour party their expected majority in the Assembly? (2) What broader lessons does this case study offer for the study of elections in the UK under devolution? Drawing on data from the Welsh National Assembly Election Study, we find that while some features of second-order election theories, such as lower turnout & a lower vote share for the governing party were manifest, contrary to the predictions of such theories the surge in electoral support for Plaid was largely prompted by Welsh-specific factors rather than UK-wide ones. The findings are argued to indicate limits to the applicability of second-order approaches to the study of devolved elections in the UK. 5 Tables, 1 Figure, 27 References. Adapted from the source document.

Ulloa, Fernando C; Carbo, Eduardo P
“The Congressional and Presidential Elections in Colombia, 2002”
Electoral Studies, 2003, 22, 4, Dec, 785-792.
Abstract: For Colombia, 2002 was a year of elections: on 10 Mar, Colombians went to the polls to elect members of the Senate & the House of Representatives; on 26 May they returned to elect a President. Alvaro Uribe, a Liberal dissident heading a coalition movement - Primero Colombia - won an outright majority in the first round. On 7 Aug, Uribe took power, replacing Andres Pastrana, a Conservative who had successfully led another coalition movement in the 1998 elections. In the past, congressional & presidential elections had been somewhat intertwined, since the parliamentary parties had a significant role in selecting candidates & in delivering the vote to their candidates. However, presidential elections have become increasingly independent of congressional elections, following general crisis & fragmentation in the party system. In 2002, the congressional contests were very low-key, with voter attitudes characterized principally by indifference. National attention focused instead on a presidential campaign that was fiercely contested, amid an atmosphere of intimidation by illegal armed groups. 2 Tables, 1 Reference. Adapted from the source document.

Van Walraven, Klaas
“The End of an Era: The Ghanaian Elections of December 2000”
Journal of Contemporary African Studies, 2002, 20, 2, July, 183-202.
Abstract: Examines the Ghanian presidential & legislative elections of Dec 2000, which were remarkable for the dramatic defeat of the ruling National Democratic Congress (NDC). First, the key trends in the outcomes of the parliamentary & presidential polls are considered. Next, some major elements of the electoral process itself are analyzed. Third, the reasons for the NDC's losses are explored toward supporting the claim that its defeat was sparked by multiple factors, particularly the feeble economic conditions & the formal exit of Jerry Rawlings as government head. Other elements were party arrogance regarding the nominating process, flagrant NDC corruption, & more broadly, exhaustion with the dominant class's high-handedness & complacency. Last, the implications of the NDC's ouster are examined in terms of multiparty politics' development in Ghana & political development on the continent itself. 2 Tables, 25 References. K. Coddon.

Widfeldt, Anders
“The Parliamentary Election in Sweden, 2002”
Electoral Studies, 2003, 22, 4, Dec, 778-784.
Abstract: Analyzes the results of the 15 Sept 2002 parliamentary election in Sweden, which are described as status quo. The electoral system & campaign are also discussed. 1 Table.

Wyn Jones, Richard; Scully, Roger
“'Coming Home to Labour'? The 2003 Welsh Assembly Election”
Regional and Federal Studies, 2003, 13, 3, autumn, 125-132.
Abstract: Scrutinizes the 2003 Welsh Assembly Election in the context of devolution. Background is provided before detailing aggregate results providing some comments on the low voter turnout & Labour's victory. A tentative evaluation of election outcomes is offered in terms of perceptions, "Welshness," differential voting, & governance. Post-devolution Wales evidences an emerging political subsystem. 1 Table, 8 References. J. Zendejas.